Plutarch's Lives
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CAMILLUS
Among the many remarkable things that are related of Furius Camillus, it
seems singular and strange above all, that he, who continually was in
the highest commands, and obtained the greatest successes, was five
times chosen dictator, triumphed four times, and was styled a second
founder of Rome, yet never was so much as once consul. The reason of
which was the state and temper of the commonwealth at that time; for the
people, being at dissension with the senate, refused to return consuls,
but in their stead elected other magistrates, called military tribunes,
who acted, indeed, with full consular power, but were thought to
exercise a less obnoxious amount of authority, because it was divided
among a larger number; for to have the management of affairs entrusted
in the hands of six persons rather than two was some satisfaction to the
opponents of oligarchy. This was the condition of the times when
Camillus was in the height of his actions and glory, and, although the
government in the meantime had often proceeded to consular elections,
yet he could never persuade himself to be consul against the inclination
of the people. In all his other administrations, which were many and
various, he so behaved himself, that, when alone in authority, he
exercised his power as in common, but the honor of all actions redounded
entirely to himself, even when in joint commission with others; the
reason of the former was his moderation in command; of the latter, his
great judgment and wisdom, which gave him without controversy the first
place.
The house of the Furii was not, at that time of any considerable
distinction; he, by his own acts, first raised himself to honor, serving
under Postumius Tubertus, dictator, in the great battle against the
Aequians and Volscians. For riding out from the rest of the army, and
in the charge receiving a wound in his thigh, he for all that did not
quit the fight, but, letting the dart drag in the wound, and engaging
with the bravest of the enemy, put them to flight; for which action,
among other rewards bestowed on him, he was created censor, an office in
those days of great repute and authority. During his censorship one
very good act of his is recorded, that, whereas the wars had made many
widows, he obliged such as had no wives, some by fair persuasion, others
by threatening to set fines on their heads, to take them in marriage;
another necessary one, in causing orphans to be rated, who before were
exempted from taxes, the frequent wars requiring more than ordinary
expenses to maintain them. What, however, pressed them most was the
siege of Veii. Some call this people Veientani. This was the head city
of Tuscany, not inferior to Rome, either in number of arms or multitude
of soldiers, insomuch that, presuming on her wealth and luxury, and
priding herself upon her refinement and sumptuousness, she engaged in
many honorable contests with the Romans for glory and empire. But now
they had abandoned their former ambitious hopes, having been weakened by
great defeats, so that, having fortified themselves with high and strong
walls, and furnished the city with all sorts of weapons offensive and
defensive, as likewise with corn and all manner of provisions, they
cheerfully endured a siege, which, though tedious to them, was no less
troublesome and distressing to the besiegers. For the Romans, having
never been accustomed to stay away from home, except in summer, and for
no great length of time, and constantly to winter at home, were then
first compelled by the tribunes to build forts in the enemy's country,
and, raising strong works about their camp, to join winter and summer
together. And now, the seventh year of the war drawing to an end, the
commanders began to be suspected as too slow and remiss in driving on
the siege, insomuch that they were discharged and others chosen for the
war, among whom was Camillus, then second time tribune. But at present
he had no hand in the siege, the duties that fell by lot to him being to
make war upon the Faliscans and Capenates, who, taking advantage of the
Romans being occupied on all hands, had carried ravages into their
country, and, through all the Tuscan war, given them much annoyance, but
were now reduced by Camillus, and with great loss shut up within their
walls.
And now, in the very heat of the war, a strange phenomenon in the Alban
lake, which, in the absence of any known cause and explanation by
natural reasons, seemed as great a prodigy as the most incredible that
are reported, occasioned great alarm. It was the beginning of autumn,
and the summer now ending had, to all observation, been neither rainy
nor much troubled with southern winds; and of the many lakes, brooks,
and springs of all sorts with which Italy abounds, some were wholly
dried up, others drew very little water with them; all the rivers, as is
usual in summer, ran in a very low and hollow channel. But the Alban
lake, that is fed by no other waters but its own, and is on all sides
encircled with fruitful mountains, without any cause, unless it were
divine, began visibly to rise and swell, increasing to the feet of the
mountains, and by degrees reaching the level of the very tops of them,
and all this without any waves or agitation. At first it was the wonder
of shepherds and herdsmen; but when the earth, which, like a great dam,
held up the lake from falling into the lower grounds, through the
quantity and weight of water was broken down, and in a violent stream it
ran through the plowed fields and plantations to discharge itself in the
sea, it not only struck terror into the Romans, but was thought by all
the inhabitants of Italy to portend some extraordinary event. But the
greatest talk of it was in the camp that besieged Veii, so that in the
town itself, also, the occurrence became known.
As in long sieges it commonly happens that parties on both sides meet
often and converse with one another, so it chanced that a Roman had
gained much confidence and familiarity with one of the besieged, a man
versed in ancient prophecies, and of repute for more than ordinary skill
in divination. The Roman, observing him to be overjoyed at the story of
the lake, and to mock at the siege, told him that this was not the only
prodigy that of late had happened to the Romans; others more wonderful
yet than this had befallen them, which he was willing to communicate to
him, that he might the better provide for his private interests in these
public distempers. The man greedily embraced the proposal, expecting to
hear some wonderful secrets; but when, by little and little, he had led
him on in conversation, and insensibly drawn him a good way from the
gates of the city, he snatched him up by the middle, being stronger than
he, and, by the assistance of others that came running from the camp,
seized and delivered him to the commanders. The man, reduced to this
necessity, and sensible now that destiny was not to be avoided,
discovered to them the secret oracles of Veii; that it was not possible
the city should be taken, until the Alban lake, which now broke forth
and had found out new passages, was drawn back from that course, and so
diverted that it could not mingle with the sea. The senate, having
heard and satisfied themselves about the matter, decreed to send to
Delphi, to ask counsel of the god. The messengers were persons of the
highest repute, Licinius Cossus, Valerius Potitus, and Fabius Ambustus;
who, having made their voyage by sea and consulted the god, returned
with other answers, particularly that there had been a neglect of some
of their national rites relating to the Latin feasts; but the Alban
water the oracle commanded, if it were possible, they should keep from
the sea, and shut it up in its ancient bounds; but if that was not to be
done, then they should carry it off by ditches and trenches into the
lower grounds, and so dry it up; which message being delivered, the
priests performed what related to the sacrifices, and the people went to
work and turned the water.
And now the senate, in the tenth year of the war, taking away all other
commands, created Camillus dictator, who chose Cornelius Scipio for his
general of horse. And in the first place he made vows unto the gods,
that, if they would grant a happy conclusion of the war, he would
celebrate to their honor the great games, and dedicate a temple to the
goddess whom the Romans call Matuta the Mother, though, from the
ceremonies which are used, one would think she was Leucothea. For they
take a servant-maid into the secret part of the temple, and there cuff
her, and drive her out again, and they embrace their brothers' children
in place of their own; and, in general, the ceremonies of the sacrifice
remind one of the nursing of Bacchus by Ino, and the calamities
occasioned by her husband's concubine. Camillus, having made these
vows, marched into the country of the Faliscans, and in a great battle
overthrew them and the Capenates, their confederates; afterwards he
turned to the siege of Veii, and, finding that to take it by assault
would prove a difficult and hazardous attempt, proceeded to cut mines
under ground, the earth about the city being easy to break up, and
allowing such depth for the works as would prevent their being
discovered by the enemy. This design going on in a hopeful way, he
openly gave assaults to the enemy, to keep them to the walls, whilst
they that worked underground in the mines were, without being perceived,
arrived within the citadel, close to the temple of Juno, which was the
greatest and most honored in all the city. It is said that the prince
of the Tuscans was at that very time at sacrifice, and that the priest,
after he had looked into the entrails of the beast, cried out with a
loud voice that the gods would give the victory to those that should
complete those offerings; and that the Romans who were in the mines,
hearing the words, immediately pulled down the floor, and, ascending
with noise and clashing of weapons, frightened away the enemy, and,
snatching up the entrails, carried them to Camillus. But this may look
like a fable. The city, however, being taken by storm, and the soldiers
busied in pillaging and gathering an infinite quantity of riches and
spoil, Camillus, from the high tower, viewing what was done, at first
wept for pity; and when they that were by congratulated his good
success, he lifted up his hands to heaven, and broke out into this
prayer: "O most mighty Jupiter, and ye gods that are judges of good and
evil actions, ye know that not without just cause, but constrained by
necessity, we have been forced to revenge ourselves on the city of our
unrighteous and wicked enemies. But if, in the vicissitude of things,
there be any calamity due, to counterbalance this great felicity, I beg
that it may be diverted from the city and army of the Romans, and fall,
with as little hurt as may be, upon my own head." Having said these
words, and just turning about (as the custom of the Romans is to turn to
the right after adoration or prayer), he stumbled and fell, to the
astonishment of all that were present. But, recovering himself
presently from the fall, he told them that he had received what he had
prayed for, a small mischance, in compensation for the greatest good
fortune.
Having sacked the city, he resolved, according as he had vowed, to carry
Juno's image to Rome; and, the workmen being ready for that purpose, he
sacrificed to the goddess, and made his supplications that she would be
pleased to accept of their devotion toward her, and graciously vouchsafe
to accept of a place among the gods that presided at Rome; and the
statue, they say, answered in a low voice that she was ready and willing
to go. Livy writes, that, in praying, Camillus touched the goddess, and
invited her, and that some of the standers-by cried out that she was
willing and would come. They who stand up for the miracle and endeavor
to maintain it have one great advocate on their side in the wonderful
fortune of the city, which, from a small and contemptible beginning,
could never have attained to that greatness and power without many
signal manifestations of the divine presence and cooperation. Other
wonders of the like nature, drops of sweat seen to stand on statues,
groans heard from them, the figures seen to turn round and to close
their eyes, are recorded by many ancient historians; and we ourselves
could relate divers wonderful things, which we have been told by men of
our own time, that are not lightly to be rejected; but to give too easy
credit to such things, or wholly to disbelieve them, is equally
dangerous, so incapable is human infirmity of keeping any bounds, or
exercising command over itself, running off sometimes to superstition
and dotage, at other times to the contempt and neglect of all that is
supernatural. But moderation is best, and to avoid all extremes.
Camillus, however, whether puffed up with the greatness of his
achievement in conquering a city that was the rival of Rome, and had
held out a ten years' siege, or exalted with the felicitations of those
that were about him, assumed to himself more than became a civil and
legal magistrate; among other things, in the pride and haughtiness of
his triumph, driving through Rome in a chariot drawn with four white
horses, which no general either before or since ever did; for the Romans
consider such a mode of conveyance to be sacred, and specially set apart
to the king and father of the gods. This alienated the hearts of his
fellow-citizens, who were not accustomed to such pomp and display.
The second pique they had against him was his opposing the law by which
the city was to be divided; for the tribunes of the people brought
forward a motion that the people and senate should be divided into two
parts, one of which should remain at home, the other, as the lot should
decide, remove to the new-taken city. By which means they should not
only have much more room, but by the advantage of two great and
magnificent cities, be better able to maintain their territories and
their fortunes in general. The people, therefore, who were numerous and
indigent, greedily embraced it, and crowded continually to the forum,
with tumultuous demands to have it put to the vote. But the senate and
the noblest citizens, judging the proceedings of the tribunes to tend
rather to a destruction than a division of Rome, greatly averse to it,
went to Camillus for assistance, who, fearing the result if it came to a
direct contest, contrived to occupy the people with other business, and
so staved it off. He thus became unpopular. But the greatest and most
apparent cause of their dislike against him arose from the tenths of the
spoil; the multitude having here, if not a just, yet a plausible case
against him. For it seems, as he went to the siege of Veii, he had
vowed to Apollo that if he took the city he would dedicate to him the
tenth of the spoil. The city being taken and sacked, whether he was
loath to trouble the soldiers at that time, or that through the
multitude of business he had forgotten his vow, he suffered them to
enjoy that part of the spoils also. Some time afterwards, when his
authority was laid down, he brought the matter before the senate, and
the priests, at the same time, reported, out of the sacrifices, that
there were intimations of divine anger, requiring propitiations and
offerings. The senate decreed the obligation to be in force.
But seeing it was difficult for every one to produce the very same
things they had taken, to be divided anew, they ordained that every one
upon oath should bring into the public the tenth part of his gains.
This occasioned many annoyances and hardships to the soldiers, who were
poor men, and had endured much in the war, and now were forced, out of
what they had gained and spent, to bring in so great a proportion.
Camillus, being assaulted by their clamor and tumults, for want of a
better excuse, betook himself to the poorest of defenses, confessing he
had forgotten his vow; they in turn complained that he had vowed the
tenth of the enemy's goods, and now levied it out of the tenths of the
citizens. Nevertheless, every one having brought in his due proportion,
it was decreed that out of it a bowl of massy gold should be made, and
sent to Delphi. And when there was great scarcity of gold in the city,
and the magistrates were considering where to get it, the Roman ladies,
meeting together and consulting among themselves, out of the golden
ornaments they wore contributed as much as went to the making the
offering, which in weight came to eight talents of gold. The senate, to
give them the honor they had deserved, ordained that funeral orations
should be used at the obsequies of women as well as men, it having never
before been a custom that any woman after death should receive any
public eulogy. Choosing out, therefore, three of the noblest citizens
as a deputation, they sent them in a vessel of war, well manned and
sumptuously adorned. Storm and calm at sea may both, they say, alike be
dangerous; as they at this time experienced, being brought almost to the
very brink of destruction, and, beyond all expectation, escaping. For
near the isles of Solus the wind slacking, galleys of the Lipareans came
upon them, taking them for pirates; and, when they held up their hands
as suppliants, forbore indeed from violence, but took their ship in tow,
and carried her into the harbor, where they exposed to sale their goods
and persons as lawful prize, they being pirates; and scarcely, at last,
by the virtue and interest of one man, Timesitheus by name, who was in
office as general, and used his utmost persuasion, they were, with much
ado, dismissed. He, however, himself sent out some of his own vessels
with them, to accompany them in their voyage and assist them at the
dedication; for which he received honors at Rome, as he had deserved.
And now the tribunes of the people again resuming their motion for the
division of the city, the war against the Faliscans luckily broke out,
giving liberty to the chief citizens to choose what magistrates they
pleased, and to appoint Camillus military tribune, with five colleagues;
affairs then requiring a commander of authority and reputation, as well
as experience. And when the people had ratified the election, he
marched with his forces into the territories of the Faliscans, and laid
seige to Falerii, a well-fortified city, and plentifully stored with all
necessaries of war. And although he perceived it would be no small work
to take it, and no little time would be required for it, yet he was
willing to exercise the citizens and keep them abroad, that they might
have no leisure, idling at home, to follow the tribunes in factions and
seditions; a very common remedy, indeed, with the Romans, who thus
carried off, like good physicians, the ill humors of their commonwealth.
The Falerians, trusting in the strength of their city, which was well
fortified on all sides, made so little account of the siege, that all,
with the exception of those that guarded the walls, as in times of
peace, walked about the streets in their common dress; the boys went to
school, and were led by their master to play and exercise about the town
walls; for the Falerians, like the Greeks, used to have a single teacher
for many pupils, wishing their children to live and be brought up from
the beginning in each other's company.
This schoolmaster, designing to betray the Falerians by their children,
led them out every day under the town wall, at first but a little way,
and, when they had exercised, brought them home again. Afterwards by
degrees he drew them farther and farther, till by practice he had made
them bold and fearless, as if no danger was about them; and at last,
having got them all together, he brought them to the outposts of the
Romans, and delivered them up, demanding to be led to Camillus. Where
being come, and standing in the middle, he said that he was the master
and teacher of these children, but, preferring his favor before all
other obligations, he was come to deliver up his charge to him, and, in
that, the whole city. When Camillus had heard him out, he was astounded
at the treachery of the act, and, turning to the standers-by, observed,
that "war, indeed, is of necessity attended with much injustice and
violence! Certain laws, however, all good men observe even in war
itself; nor is victory so great an object as to induce us to incur for
its sake obligations for base and impious acts. A great general should
rely on his own virtue, and not on other men's vices." Which said, he
commanded the officers to tear off the man's clothes, and bind his hands
behind him, and give the boys rods and scourges, to punish the traitor
and drive him back to the city. By this time the Falerians had
discovered the treachery of the schoolmaster, and the city, as was
likely, was full of lamentations and cries for their calamity, men and
women of worth running in distraction about the walls and gates; when,
behold, the boys came whipping their master on, naked and bound, calling
Camillus their preserver and god and father. Insomuch that it struck
not only into the parents, but the rest of the citizens that saw what
was done, such admiration and love of Camillus's justice, that,
immediately meeting in assembly, they sent ambassadors to him, to resign
whatever they had to his disposal. Camillus sent them to Rome, where,
being brought into the senate, they spoke to this purpose: that the
Romans, preferring justice before victory, had taught them rather to
embrace submission than liberty; they did not so much confess themselves
to be inferior in strength, as they must acknowledge them to be superior
in virtue. The senate remitted the whole matter to Camillus, to judge
and order as he thought fit; who, taking a sum of money of the
Falerians, and, making a peace with the whole nation of the Faliscans,
returned home.
But the soldiers, who had expected to have the pillage of the city, when
they came to Rome empty-handed, railed against Camillus among their
fellow-citizens, as a hater of the people, and one that grudged all
advantage to the poor. Afterwards, when the tribunes of the people
again brought their motion for dividing the city to the vote, Camillus
appeared openly against it, shrinking from no unpopularity, and
inveighing boldly against the promoters of it, and so urging and
constraining the multitude, that, contrary to their inclinations, they
rejected the proposal; but yet hated Camillus. Insomuch that, though a
great misfortune befell him in his family (one of his two sons dying of
a disease), commiseration for this could not in the least make them
abate of their malice. And, indeed, he took this loss with immoderate
sorrow, being a man naturally of a mild and tender disposition, and,
when the accusation was preferred against him, kept his house, and
mourned amongst the women of his family.
His accuser was Lucius Apuleius; the charge, appropriation of the Tuscan
spoils; certain brass gates, part of those spoils, were said to be in
his possession. The people were exasperated against him, and it was
plain they would take hold of any occasion to condemn him. Gathering,
therefore, together his friends and fellow-soldiers, and such as had
borne command with him, a considerable number in all, he besought them
that they would not suffer him to be unjustly overborne by shameful
accusations, and left the mock and scorn of his enemies. His friends,
having advised and consulted among themselves, made answer, that, as to
the sentence, they did not see how they could help him, but that they
would contribute to whatsoever fine should be set upon him. Not able to
endure so great an indignity, he resolved in his anger to leave the city
and go into exile; and so, having taken leave of his wife and his son,
he went silently to the gate of the city, and, there stopping and
turning round, stretched out his hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the
gods, that if, without any fault of his own, but merely through the
malice and violence of the people, he was driven out into banishment,
the Romans might quickly repent of it; and that all mankind might
witness their need for the assistance, and desire for the return of
Camillus.
Thus, like Achilles, having left his imprecations on the citizens, he
went into banishment; so that, neither appearing nor making defense, he
was condemned in the sum of fifteen thousand asses, which, reduced to
silver, makes one thousand five hundred drachmas; for the as was the
money of the time, ten of such copper pieces making the denarius, or
piece of ten. And there is not a Roman but believes that immediately
upon the prayers of Camillus a sudden judgment followed, and that he
received a revenge for the injustice done unto him; which though we
cannot think was pleasant, but rather grievous and bitter to him, yet
was very remarkable, and noised over the whole world; such a punishment
visited the city of Rome, an era of such loss and danger and disgrace so
quickly succeeded; whether it thus fell out by fortune, or it be the
office of some god not to see injured virtue go unavenged.
The first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensue was the
death of the censor Julius; for the Romans have a religious reverence
for the office of a censor, and esteem it sacred. The second was that,
just before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Caedicius, a person of no
great distinction, nor of the rank of senator, but esteemed a good and
respectable man, reported to the military tribunes a thing worthy their
consideration: that, going along the night before in the street called
the New Way, and being called by somebody in a loud voice, he turned
about, but could see no one, but heard a voice greater than human, which
said these words, "Go, Marcus Caedicius, and early in the morning tell
the military tribunes that they are shortly to expect the Gauls." But
the tribunes made a mock and sport with the story, and a little after
came Camillus's banishment.
The Gauls are of the Celtic race, and are reported to have been
compelled by their numbers to leave their country, which was
insufficient to sustain them all, and to have gone in search of other
homes. And being, many thousands of them, young men and able to bear
arms, and carrying with them a still greater number of women and young
children, some of them, passing the Riphaean mountains, fell upon the
Northern Ocean, and possessed themselves of the farthest parts of
Europe; others, seating themselves between the Pyrenean mountains and
the Alps, lived there a considerable time, near to the Senones and
Celtorii; but, afterwards tasting wine which was then first brought them
out of Italy, they were all so much taken with the liquor, and
transported with the hitherto unknown delight, that, snatching up their
arms and taking their families along with them, they marched directly to
the Alps, to find out the country which yielded such fruit, pronouncing
all others barren and useless. He that first brought wine among them
and was the chief instigator of their coming into Italy is said to have
been one Aruns, a Tuscan, a man of noble extraction, and not of bad
natural character, but involved in the following misfortune. He was
guardian to an orphan, one of the richest of the country, and much
admired for his beauty, whose name was Lucumo. From his childhood he
had been bred up with Aruns in his family and when now grown up did not
leave his house, professing to wish for the enjoyment of his society.
And thus for a great while he secretly enjoyed Aruns's wife, corrupting
her, and himself corrupted by her. But when they were both so far gone
in their passion that they could neither refrain their lust nor conceal
it, the young man seized the woman and openly sought to carry her away.
The husband, going to law, and finding himself overpowered by the
interest and money of his opponent, left his country, and, hearing of
the state of the Gauls, went to them and was the conductor of their
expedition into Italy.
At their first coming they at once possessed themselves of all that
country which anciently the Tuscans inhabited, reaching from the Alps to
both the seas, as the names themselves testify; for the North or
Adriatic Sea is named from the Tuscan city Adria, and that to the south
the Tuscan Sea simply. The whole country is rich in fruit trees, has
excellent pasture, and is well watered with rivers. It had eighteen
large and beautiful cities, well provided with all the means for
industry and wealth, and all the enjoyments and pleasures of life. The
Gauls cast out the Tuscans, and seated themselves in them. But this was
long before.
The Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium, a Tuscan city. The
Clusinians sent to the Romans for succor desiring them to interpose with
the barbarians by letters and ambassadors. There were sent three of the
family of the Fabii, persons of high rank and distinction in the city.
The Gauls received them courteously, from respect to the name of Rome,
and, giving over the assault which was then making upon the walls, came
to conference with them; when the ambassadors asking what injury they
had received of the Clusinians that they thus invaded their city,
Brennus, king of the Gauls, laughed and made answer, "The Clusinians do
us injury, in that, being able only to till a small parcel of ground,
they must needs possess a great territory, and will not yield any part
to us who are strangers, many in number, and poor. In the same nature,
O Romans, formerly the Albans, Fidenates, and Ardeates, and now lately
the Veientines and Capenates, and many of the Faliscans and Volscians,
did you injury; upon whom ye make war if they do not yield you part of
what they possess, make slaves of them, waste and spoil their country,
and ruin their cities; neither in so doing are cruel or unjust, but
follow that most ancient of all laws, which gives the possessions of the
feeble to the strong; which begins with God and ends in the beasts;
since all these, by nature, seek, the stronger to have advantage over
the weaker. Cease, therefore, to pity the Clusinians whom we besiege,
lest ye teach the Gauls to be kind and compassionate to those that are
oppressed by you." By this answer the Romans, perceiving that Brennus
was not to be treated with, went into Clusium, and encouraged and
stirred up the inhabitants to make a sally with them upon the
barbarians, which they did either to try their strength or to show their
own. The sally being made, and the fight growing hot about the walls,
one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, being well mounted, and setting
spurs to his horse, made full against a Gaul, a man of huge bulk and
stature, whom he saw riding out at a distance from the rest. At the
first he was not recognized, through the quickness of the conflict and
the glittering of his armor, that precluded any view of him; but when he
had overthrown the Gaul, and was going to gather the spoils, Brennus
knew him; and, invoking the gods to be witnesses, that, contrary to the
known and common law of nations, which is holily observed by all
mankind, he who had come as an ambassador had now engaged in hostility
against him, he drew off his men, and, bidding Clusium farewell, led his
army directly to Rome. But not wishing that it should look as if they
took advantage of that injury, and were ready to embrace any occasion of
quarrel, he sent a herald to demand the man in punishment, and in the
meantime marched leisurely on.
The senate being met at Rome, among many others that spoke against the
Fabii, the priests called fecials were the most decided, who, on the
religious ground, urged the senate that they should lay the whole guilt
and penalty of the fact upon him that committed it, and so exonerate the
rest. These fecials Numa Pompilius, the mildest and justest of kings,
constituted guardians of peace, and the judges and determiners of all
causes by which war may justifiably be made. The senate referring the
whole matter to the people, and the priests there, as well as in the
senate, pleading against Fabius, the multitude, however, so little
regarded their authority, that in scorn and contempt of it they chose
Fabius and the rest of his brothers military tribunes. The Gauls, on
hearing this, in great rage threw aside every delay, and hastened on
with all the speed they could make. The places through which they
marched, terrified with their numbers and the splendor of their
preparations for war, and in alarm at their violence and fierceness,
began to give up their territories as already lost, with little doubt
but their cities would quickly follow; contrary, however, to
expectation, they did no injury as they passed, nor took anything from
the fields; and, as they went by any city, cried out that they were
going to Rome; that the Romans only were their enemies, and that they
took all others for their friends.
Whilst the barbarians were thus hastening with all speed, the military
tribunes brought the Romans into the field to be ready to engage them,
being not inferior to the Gauls in number (for they were no less than
forty thousand foot), but most of them raw soldiers, and such as had
never handled a weapon before. Besides, they had wholly neglected all
religious usages, had not obtained favorable sacrifices, nor made
inquiries of the prophets, natural in danger and before battle. No less
did the multitude of commanders distract and confound their proceedings;
frequently before, upon less occasions, they had chosen a single leader,
with the title of dictator, being sensible of what great importance it
is in critical times to have the soldiers united under one general with
the entire and absolute control placed in his hands. Add to all, the
remembrance of Camillus's treatment, which made it now seem a dangerous
thing for officers to command without humoring their soldiers. In this
condition they left the city, and encamped by the river Allia, about ten
miles from Rome, and not far from the place where it falls into the
Tiber; and here the Gauls came upon them, and, after a disgraceful
resistance, devoid of order and discipline, they were miserably
defeated. The left wing was immediately driven into the river, and
there destroyed; the right had less damage by declining the shock, and
from the low grounds getting to the tops of the hills, from whence most
of them afterwards dropped into the city; the rest, as many as escaped,
the enemy being weary of the slaughter, stole by night to Veii, giving
up Rome and all that was in it for lost.
This battle was fought about the summer solstice, the moon being at
full, the very same day in which the sad disaster of the Fabii had
happened, when three hundred of that name were at one time cut off by
the Tuscans. But from this second loss and defeat the day got the name
of Alliensis, from the river Allia, and still retains it. The question
of unlucky days, whether we should consider any to be so, and whether
Heraclitus did well in upbraiding Hesiod for distinguishing them into
fortunate and unfortunate, as ignorant that the nature of every day is
the same, I have examined in another place; but upon occasion of the
present subject, I think it will not be amiss to annex a few examples
relating to this matter. On the fifth of their month Hippodromius,
which corresponds to the Athenian Hecatombaeon, the Boeotians gained two
signal victories, the one at Leuctra, the other at Ceressus, about three
hundred years before, when they overcame Lattamyas and the Thessalians,
both which asserted the liberty of Greece. Again, on the sixth of
Boedromion, the Persians were worsted by the Greeks at Marathon; on the
third, at Plataea, as also at Mycale; on the twenty-fifth, at Arbela.
The Athenians, about the full moon in Boedromion, gained their sea-
victory at Naxos under the conduct of Chabrias; on the twentieth, at
Salamis, as we have shown in our treatise on Days. Thargelion was a
very unfortunate month to the barbarians, for in it Alexander overcame
Darius's generals on the Granicus; and the Carthaginians, on the twenty-
fourth, were beaten by Timoleon in Sicily, on which same day and month
Troy seems to have been taken, as Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and
Phylarchus state. On the other hand, the month Metagitnion, which in
Boeotia is called Panemus, was not very lucky to the Greeks; for on its
seventh day they were defeated by Antipater, at the battle in Cranon,
and utterly ruined; and before, at Chaeronea, were defeated by Philip;
and on the very same day, same month, and same year, those that went
with Archidamus into Italy were there cut off by the barbarians. The
Carthaginians also observe the twenty-first of the same month, as
bringing with it the largest number and the severest of their losses. I
am not ignorant, that, about the Feast of Mysteries, Thebes was
destroyed the second time by Alexander; and after that, upon the very
twentieth of Boedromion, on which day they lead forth the mystic
Iacchus, the Athenians received a garrison of the Macedonians. On the
selfsame day the Romans lost their army under Caepio by the Cimbrians,
and in a subsequent year, under the conduct of Lucullus, overcame the
Armenians and Tigranes. King Attalus and Pompey died both on their
birthdays. One could reckon up several that have had variety of fortune
on the same day. This day, meantime, is one of the unfortunate ones to
the Romans, and for its sake two others in every month; fear and
superstition, as the custom of it is, more and more prevailing. But I
have discussed this more accurately in my Roman Questions.
And now, after the battle, had the Gauls immediately pursued those that
fled, there had been no remedy but Rome must have wholly been ruined,
and all those who remained in it utterly destroyed; such was the terror
that those who escaped the battle brought with them into the city, and
with such distraction and confusion were themselves in turn infected.
But the Gauls, not imagining their victory to be so considerable, and
overtaken with the present joy, fell to feasting and dividing the spoil,
by which means they gave leisure to those who were for leaving the city
to make their escape, and to those that remained, to anticipate and
prepare for their coming. For they who resolved to stay at Rome,
abandoning the rest of the city, betook themselves to the Capitol, which
they fortified with the help of missiles and new works. One of their
principal cares was of their holy things, most of which they conveyed
into the Capitol. But the consecrated fire the vestal virgins took, and
fled with it, as likewise their other sacred things. Some write that
they have nothing in their charge but the ever-living fire which Numa
had ordained to be worshipped as the principle of all things; for fire
is the most active thing in nature, and all production is either motion,
or attended with motion; all the other parts of matter, so long as they
are without warmth, lie sluggish and dead, and require the accession of
a sort of soul or vitality in the principle of heat; and upon that
accession, in whatever way, immediately receive a capacity either of
acting or being acted upon. And thus Numa, a man curious in such
things, and whose wisdom made it thought that he conversed with the
Muses, consecrated fire, and ordained it to be kept ever burning, as an
image of that eternal power which orders and actuates all things.
Others say that this fire was kept burning in front of the holy things,
as in Greece, for purification, and that there were other things hid in
the most secret part of the temple, which were kept from the view of
all, except those virgins whom they call vestals. The most common
opinion was, that the image of Pallas, brought into Italy by Aeneas, was
laid up there; others say that the Samothracian images lay there,
telling a story how that Dardanus carried them to Troy, and, when he had
built the city, celebrated those rites, and dedicated those images
there; that after Troy was taken, Aeneas stole them away, and kept them
till his coming into Italy. But they who profess to know more of the
matter affirm that there are two barrels, not of any great size, one of
which stands open and has nothing in it, the other full and sealed up;
but that neither of them may be seen but by the most holy virgins.
Others think that they who say this are misled by the fact that the
virgins put most of their holy things into two barrels at this time of
the Gaulish invasion, and hid them underground in the temple of
Quirinus; and that from hence that place to this day bears the name of
Barrels.
However it be, taking the most precious and important things they had,
they fled away with them, shaping their course along the river side,
where Lucius Albinius, a simple citizen of Rome, who among others was
making his escape, overtook them, having his wife, children, and goods
in a cart; and, seeing the virgins dragging along in their arms the holy
things of the gods, in a helpless and weary condition, he caused his
wife and children to get down, and, taking out his goods, put the
virgins in the cart, that they might make their escape to some of the
Greek cities. This devout act of Albinius, and the respect he showed
thus signally to the gods at a time of such extremity, deserved not to
be passed over in silence. But the priests that belonged to other gods,
and the most elderly of the senators, men who had been consuls and had
enjoyed triumphs, could not endure to leave the city; but, putting on
their sacred and splendid robes, Fabius the high-priest performing the
office, they made their prayers to the gods, and, devoting themselves,
as it were, for their country, sat themselves down in their ivory
chairs in the forum, and in that posture expected the event.
On the third day after the battle, Brennus appeared with his army at the
city, and, finding the gates wide open and no guards upon the walls,
first began to suspect it was some design or stratagem, never dreaming
that the Romans were in so desperate a condition. But when he found it
to be so indeed, he entered at the Colline gate, and took Rome, in the
three hundred and sixtieth year, or a little more, after it was built;
if, indeed, it can be supposed probable that an exact chronological
statement has been preserved of events which were themselves the cause
of chronological difficulties about things of later date; of the
calamity itself, however, and of the fact of the capture, some faint
rumors seem to have passed at the time into Greece. Heraclides
Ponticus, who lived not long after these times, in his book upon the
Soul, relates that a certain report came from the west, that an army,
proceeding from the Hyperboreans, had taken a Greek city called Rome,
seated somewhere upon the great sea. But I do not wonder that so
fabulous and high-flown an author as Heraclides should embellish the
truth of the story with expressions about Hyperboreans and the great
sea. Aristotle the philosopher appears to have heard a correct
statement of the taking of the city by the Gauls, but he calls its
deliverer Lucius; whereas Camillus's surname was not Lucius, but Marcus.
But this is a matter of conjecture.
Brennus, having taken possession of Rome, set a strong guard about the
Capitol, and, going himself down into the forum, was there struck with
amazement at the sight of so many men sitting in that order and silence,
observing that they neither rose at his coming, nor so much as changed
color or countenance, but remained without fear or concern, leaning upon
their staves, and sitting quietly, looking at each other. The Gauls,
for a great while, stood wondering at the strangeness of the sight not
daring to approach or touch them, taking them for an assembly of
superior beings. But when one, bolder than the rest, drew near to
Marcus Papirius, and, putting forth his hand, gently touched his chin
and stroked his long beard, Papirius with his staff struck him a severe
blow on the head; upon which the barbarian drew his sword and slew him.
This was the introduction to the slaughter; for the rest, following his
example, set upon them all and killed them, and dispatched all others
that came in their way; and so went on to the sacking and pillaging the
houses, which they continued for many days ensuing. Afterwards, they
burnt them down to the ground and demolished them, being incensed at
those who kept the Capitol, because they would not yield to summons;
but, on the contrary, when assailed, had repelled them, with some loss,
from their defenses. This provoked them to ruin the whole city, and to
put to the sword all that came to their hands, young and old, men,
women, and children.
And now, the siege of the Capitol having lasted a good while, the Gauls
began to be in want of provision; and dividing their forces, part of
them stayed with their king at the siege, the rest went to forage the
country, ravaging the towns and villages where they came, but not all
together in a body, but in different squadrons and parties; and to such
a confidence had success raised them, that they carelessly rambled about
without the least fear or apprehension of danger. But the greatest and
best ordered body of their forces went to the city of Ardea, where
Camillus then sojourned, having, ever since his leaving Rome,
sequestered himself from all business, and taken to a private life; but
now he began to rouse up himself, and consider not how to avoid or
escape the enemy, but to find out an opportunity to be revenged upon
them. And perceiving that the Ardeatians wanted not men, but rather
enterprise, through the inexperience and timidity of their officers, he
began to speak with the young men, first, to the effect that they ought
not to ascribe the misfortune of the Romans to the courage of their
enemy, nor attribute the losses they sustained by rash counsel to the
conduct of men who had no title to victory; the event had been only an
evidence of the power of fortune; that it was a brave thing even with
danger to repel a foreign and barbarous invader, whose end in conquering
was like fire, to lay waste and destroy, but if they would be courageous
and resolute, he was ready to put an opportunity into their hands to
gain a victory without hazard at all. When he found the young men
embraced the thing, he went to the magistrates and council of the city,
and, having persuaded them also, he mustered all that could bear arms,
and drew them up within the walls, that they might not be perceived by
the enemy, who was near; who, having scoured the country, and now
returned heavy-laden with booty, lay encamped in the plains in a
careless and negligent posture, so that, with the night ensuing upon
debauch and drunkenness, silence prevailed through all the camp. When
Camillus learned this from his scouts, he drew out the Ardeatians, and
in the dead of the night, passing in silence over the ground that lay
between, came up to their works, and, commanding his trumpets to sound
and his men to shout and halloo, he struck terror into them from all
quarters; while drunkenness impeded and sleep retarded their movements.
A few, whom fear had sobered, getting into some order, for awhile
resisted; and so died with their weapons in their hands. But the
greatest part of them, buried in wine and sleep, were surprised without
their arms, and dispatched; and as many of them as by the advantage of
the night got out of the camp were the next day found scattered abroad
and wandering in the fields, and were picked up by the horse that
pursued them.
The fame of this action soon flew through the neighboring cities, and
stirred up the young men from various quarters to come and join
themselves with him. But none were so much concerned as those Romans
who escaped in the battle of Allia, and were now at Veii, thus lamenting
with themselves, "O heavens, what a commander has Providence bereaved
Rome of, to honor Ardea with his actions! And that city, which brought
forth and nursed so great a man, is lost and gone, and we, destitute of
a leader and shut up within strange walls, sit idle, and see Italy
ruined before our eyes. Come, let us send to the Ardeatians to have
back our general, or else, with weapons in our hands, let us go thither
to him; for he is no longer a banished man, nor we citizens, having no
country but what is in the possession of the enemy." To this they all
agreed, and sent to Camillus to desire him to take the command; but he
answered, that he would not, until they that were in the Capitol should
legally appoint him; for he esteemed them, as long as they were in
being, to be his country; that if they should command him, he would
readily obey; but against their consent he would intermeddle with
nothing. When this answer was returned, they admired the modesty and
temper of Camillus; but they could not tell how to find a messenger to
carry the intelligence to the Capitol, or rather, indeed, it seemed
altogether impossible for any one to get to the citadel whilst the enemy
was in full possession of the city. But among the young men there was
one Pontius Cominius, of ordinary birth, but ambitious of honor, who
proffered himself to run the hazard, and took no letters with him to
those in the Capitol, lest, if he were intercepted, the enemy might
learn the intentions of Camillus; but, putting on a poor dress and
carrying corks under it, he boldly traveled the greatest part of the way
by day, and came to the city when it was dark; the bridge he could not
pass, as it was guarded by the barbarians; so that taking his clothes,
which were neither many nor heavy, and binding them about his head, he
laid his body upon the corks, and, swimming with them, got over to the
city. And avoiding those quarters where he perceived the enemy was
awake, which he guessed at by the lights and noise, he went to the
Carmental gate, where there was greatest silence, and where the hill of
the Capitol is steepest, and rises with craggy and broken rock. By this
way he got up, though with much difficulty, by the hollow of the cliff,
and presented himself to the guards, saluting them, and telling them his
name; he was taken in, and carried to the commanders. And a senate
being immediately called, he related to them in order the victory of
Camillus, which they had not heard of before, and the proceedings of the
soldiers; urging them to confirm Camillus in the command, as on him
alone all their fellow-countrymen outside the city would rely. Having
heard and consulted of the matter, the senate declared Camillus
dictator, and sent back Pontius the same way that he came, who, with the
same success as before, got through the enemy without being discovered,
and delivered to the Romans outside the decision of the senate, who
joyfully received it. Camillus, on his arrival, found twenty thousand
of them ready in arms; with which forces, and those confederates he
brought along with him, he prepared to set upon the enemy.
But at Rome some of the barbarians, passing by chance near the place at
which Pontius by night had got into the Capitol, spied in several places
marks of feet and hands, where he had laid hold and clambered, and
places where the plants that grew to the rock had been rubbed off, and
the earth had slipped, and went accordingly and reported it to the king,
who, coming in person, and viewing it, for the present said nothing, but
in the evening, picking out such of the Gauls as were nimblest of body,
and by living in the mountains were accustomed to climb, he said to
them, "The enemy themselves have shown us a way how to come at them,
which we knew not of before, and have taught us that it is not so
difficult and impossible but that men may overcome it. It would be a
great shame, having begun well, to fail in the end, and to give up a
place as impregnable, when the enemy himself lets us see the way by
which it may be taken; for where it was easy for one man to get up, it
will not be hard for many, one after another; nay, when many shall
undertake it, they will be aid and strength to each other. Rewards and
honors shall be bestowed on every man as he shall acquit himself."
When the king had thus spoken, the Gauls cheerfully undertook to perform
it, and in the dead of night a good party of them together, with great
silence, began to climb the rock, clinging to the precipitous and
difficult ascent, which yet upon trial offered a way to them, and proved
less difficult than they had expected. So that the foremost of them
having gained the top of all, and put themselves into order, they all
but surprised the outworks, and mastered the watch, who were fast
asleep; for neither man nor dog perceived their coming. But there were
sacred geese kept near the temple of Juno, which at other times were
plentifully fed, but now, by reason that corn and all other provisions
were grown scarce for all, were but in a poor condition. The creature
is by nature of quick sense, and apprehensive of the least noise, so
that these, being moreover watchful through hunger, and restless,
immediately discovered the coming of the Gauls, and, running up and down
with their noise and cackling, they raised the whole camp, while the
barbarians on the other side, perceiving themselves discovered, no
longer endeavored to conceal their attempt, but with shouting and
violence advanced to the assault. The Romans, every one in haste
snatching up the next weapon that came to hand, did what they could on
the sudden occasion. Manlius, a man of consular dignity, of strong body
and great spirit, was the first that made head against them, and,
engaging with two of the enemy at once, with his sword cut off the right
arm of one just as he was lifting up his blade to strike, and, running
his target full in the face of the other, tumbled him headlong down the
steep rock; then mounting the rampart, and there standing with others
that came running to his assistance, drove down the rest of them, who,
indeed, to begin, had not been many, and did nothing worthy of so bold
an attempt. The Romans, having thus escaped this danger, early in the
morning took the captain of the watch and flung him down the rock upon
the heads of their enemies, and to Manlius for his victory voted a
reward, intended more for honor than advantage, bringing him, each man
of them, as much as he received for his daily allowance, which was half
a pound of bread, and one eighth of a pint of wine.
Henceforward, the affairs of the Gauls were daily in a worse and worse
condition; they wanted provisions, being withheld from foraging through
fear of Camillus, and sickness also was amongst them, occasioned by the
number of carcasses that lay in heaps unburied. Being lodged among the
ruins, the ashes, which were very deep, blown about with the winds and
combining with the sultry heats, breathed up, so to say, a dry and
searching air, the inhalation of which was destructive to their health.
But the chief cause was the change from their natural climate, coming as
they did out of shady and hilly countries, abounding in means of shelter
from the heat, to lodge in low, and, in the autumn season, very
unhealthy ground; added to which was the length and tediousness of the
siege, as they had now sat seven months before the Capitol. There was,
therefore, a great destruction among them, and the number of the dead
grew so great, that the living gave up burying them. Neither, indeed,
were things on that account any better with the besieged, for famine
increased upon them, and despondency with not hearing any thing of
Camillus, it being impossible to send any one to him, the city was so
guarded by the barbarians. Things being in this sad condition on both
sides, a motion of treaty was made at first by some of the outposts, as
they happened to speak with one another; which being embraced by the
leading men, Sulpicius, tribune of the Romans, came to a parley with
Brennus, in which it was agreed, that the Romans laying down a thousand
weight of gold, the Gauls upon the receipt of it should immediately quit
the city and territories. The agreement being confirmed by oath on both
sides, and the gold brought forth, the Gauls used false dealing in the
weights, secretly at first, but afterwards openly pulled back and
disturbed the balance; at which the Romans indignantly complaining,
Brennus in a scoffing and insulting manner pulled off his sword and
belt, and threw them both into the scales; and when Sulpicius asked what
that meant, "What should it mean," says he, "but woe to the conquered?"
which afterwards became a proverbial saying. As for the Romans, some
were so incensed that they were for taking their gold back again, and
returning to endure the siege. Others were for passing by and
dissembling a petty injury, and not to account that the indignity of the
thing lay in paying more than was due, since the paying anything at all
was itself a dishonor only submitted to as a necessity of the times.
Whilst this difference remained still unsettled, both amongst themselves
and with the Gauls, Camillus was at the gates with his army; and, having
learned what was going on, commanded the main body of his forces to
follow slowly after him in good order, and himself with the choicest of
his men hastening on, went at once to the Romans; where all giving way
to him, and receiving him as their sole magistrate, with profound
silence and order, he took the gold out of the scales, and delivered it
to his officers, and commanded the Gauls to take their weights and
scales and depart; saying that it was customary with the Romans to
deliver their country with iron, not with gold. And when Brennus began to
rage, and say that he was unjustly dealt with in such a breach of
contract, Camillus answered that it was never legally made, and the
agreement of no force or obligation; for that himself being declared
dictator, and there being no other magistrate by law, the engagement had
been made with men who had no power to enter into it; but now they might
say anything they had to urge, for he was come with full power by law
to grant pardon to such as should ask it, or inflict punishment on the
guilty, if they did not repent. At this, Brennus broke into violent
anger, and an immediate quarrel ensued; both sides drew their swords and
attacked, but in confusion, as could not otherwise be amongst houses,
and ill narrow lanes and places where it was impossible to form in any
order. But Brennus, presently recollecting himself, called off his men,
and, with the loss of a few only, brought them to their camp; and,
rising in the night with all his forces, left the city, and, advancing
about eight miles, encamped upon the way to Gabii. As soon as day
appeared, Camillus came up with him, splendidly armed himself, and his
soldiers full of courage and confidence; and there engaging with him in
a sharp conflict, which lasted a long while, overthrew his army with
great slaughter, and took their camp. Of those that fled, some were
presently cut off by the pursuers; others, and these were the greatest
number, dispersed hither and thither, and were dispatched by the people
that came sallying out from the neighboring towns and villages.
Thus Rome was strangely taken, and more strangely recovered, having been
seven whole months in the possession of the barbarians who entered her a
little after the Ides of July, and were driven out about the Ides of
February following. Camillus triumphed, as he deserved, having saved
his country that was lost, and brought the city, so to say, back again
to itself. For those that had fled abroad, together with their wives
and children, accompanied him as he rode in; and those who had been shut
up in the Capitol, and were reduced almost to the point of perishing
with hunger, went out to meet him, embracing each other as they met, and
weeping for joy and, through the excess of the present pleasure, scarce
believing in its truth. And when the priests and ministers of the gods
appeared, bearing the sacred things, which in their flight they had
either hid on the spot, or conveyed away with them, and now openly
showed in safety, the citizens who saw the blessed sight felt as if with
these the gods themselves were again returned unto Rome. After Camillus
had sacrificed to the gods, and purified the city according to the
direction of those properly instructed, he restored the existing
temples, and erected a new one to Rumour, or Voice, informing himself
of the spot in which that voice from heaven came by night to Marcus
Caedicius, foretelling the coming of the barbarian army.
It was a matter of difficulty, and a hard task, amidst so much rubbish,
to discover and redetermine the consecrated places; but by the zeal of
Camillus, and the incessant labor of the priests, it was at last
accomplished. But when it came also to rebuilding the city, which was
wholly demolished, despondency seized the multitude, and a backwardness
to engage in a work for which they had no materials; at a time, too,
when they rather needed relief and repose from their past labors, than
any new demands upon their exhausted strength and impaired fortunes.
Thus insensibly they turned their thoughts again towards Veii, a city
ready-built and well-provided, and gave an opening to the arts of
flatterers eager to gratify their desires, and lent their ears to
seditious language flung out against Camillus; as that, out of ambition
and self-glory, he withheld them from a city fit to receive them,
forcing them to live in the midst of ruins, and to re-erect a pile of
burnt rubbish, that he might be esteemed not the chief magistrate only
and general of Rome, but, to the exclusion of Romulus, its founder,
also. The senate, therefore, fearing a sedition, would not suffer
Camillus, though desirous, to lay down his authority within the year,
though no other dictator had ever held it above six months.
They themselves, meantime, used their best endeavors, by kind
persuasions and familiar addresses, to encourage and to appease the
people, showing them the shrines and tombs of their ancestors, calling
to their remembrance the sacred spots and holy places which Romulus and
Numa or any other of their kings had consecrated and left to their
keeping; and among the strongest religious arguments, urged the head,
newly separated from the body, which was found in laying the foundation
of the Capitol, marking it as a place destined by fate to be the head of
all Italy; and the holy fire which had just been rekindled again, since
the end of the war, by the vestal virgins; "What a disgrace would it be
to them to lose and extinguish this, leaving the city it belonged to, to
be either inhabited by strangers and new-comers, or left a wild pasture
for cattle to graze on?" Such reasons as these, urged with complaint
and expostulation, sometimes in private upon individuals, and sometimes
in their public assemblies, were met, on the other hand, by laments and
protestations of distress and helplessness; entreaties, that, reunited
as they just were, after a sort of shipwreck, naked and destitute, they
would not constrain them to patch up the pieces of a ruined and
shattered city, when they had another at hand ready-built and prepared.
Camillus thought good to refer it to general deliberation, and himself
spoke largely and earnestly in behalf of his country, as also many
others. At last, calling to Lucius Lucretius, whose place it was to
speak first, he commanded him to give his sentence, and the rest as they
followed, in order. Silence being made, and Lucretius just about to
begin, by chance a centurion, passing by outside with his company of the
day-guard, called out with a loud voice to the ensign-bearer to halt and
fix his standard, for this was the best place to stay in. This voice,
coming in that moment of time, and at that crisis of uncertainty and
anxiety for the future, was taken as a direction what was to be done;
so that Lucretius, assuming an attitude of devotion, gave sentence in
concurrence with the gods, as he said, as likewise did all that
followed. Even among the common people it created a wonderful change of
feeling; every one now cheered and encouraged his neighbor, and set
himself to the work, proceeding in it, however, not by any regular lines
or divisions, but every one pitching upon that plot of ground which came
next to hand, or best pleased his fancy; by which haste and hurry in
building, they constructed their city in narrow and ill-designed lanes,
and with houses huddled together one upon another; for it is said that
within the compass of the year the whole city was raised up anew, both
in its public walls and private buildings. The persons, however,
appointed by Camillus to resume and mark out, in this general confusion,
all consecrated places, coming, in their way round the Palatium, to the
chapel of Mars, found the chapel itself indeed destroyed and burnt to
the ground, like everything else, by the barbarians; but whilst they
were clearing the place, and carrying away the rubbish, lit upon
Romulus's augural staff, buried under a great heap of ashes. This sort
of staff is crooked at one end, and is called lituus; they make use of
it in quartering out the regions of the heavens when engaged in
divination from the flight of birds; Romulus, who was himself a great
diviner, made use of it. But when he disappeared from the earth, the
priests took his staff and kept it, as other holy things, from the touch
of man; and when they now found that, whereas all other things were
consumed, this staff had altogether escaped the flames, they began to
conceive happier hopes of Rome, and to augur from this token its future
everlasting safety.
And now they had scarcely got a breathing time from their trouble, when
a new war came upon them; and the Aequians, Volscians, and Latins all at
once invaded their territories, and the Tuscans besieged Sutrium, their
confederate city. The military tribunes who commanded the army, and
were encamped about the hill Maecius, being closely besieged by the
Latins, and the camp in danger to be lost, sent to Rome, where Camillus
was a third time chosen dictator. Of this war two different accounts
are given; I shall begin with the more fabulous. They say that the
Latins (whether out of pretense, or a real design to revive the ancient
relationship of the two nations) sent to desire of the Romans some free-
born maidens in marriage; that when the Romans were at a loss how to
determine (for on one hand they dreaded a war, having scarcely yet
settled and recovered themselves, and on the other side suspected that
this asking of wives was, in plain terms, nothing else but a demand for
hostages, though covered over with the specious name of intermarriage
and alliance), a certain handmaid, by name Tutula, or, as some call her,
Philotis, persuaded the magistrates to send with her some of the most
youthful and best looking maid-servants, in the bridal dress of noble
virgins, and leave the rest to her care and management; that the
magistrates consenting, chose out as many as she thought necessary for
her purpose, and, adorning them with gold and rich clothes, delivered
them to the Latins, who were encamped not far from the city; that at
night the rest stole away the enemy's swords, but Tutula or Philotis,
getting to the top of a wild fig-tree, and spreading out a thick woolen
cloth behind her, held out a torch towards Rome, which was the signal
concerted between her and the commanders, without the knowledge,
however, of any other of the citizens, which was the reason that their
issuing out from the city was tumultuous, the officers pushing their men
on, and they calling upon one another's names, and scarce able to bring
themselves into order; that setting upon the enemy's works, who either
were asleep or expected no such matter, they took the camp, and
destroyed most of them; and that this was done on the nones of July,
which was then called Quintilis, and that the feast that is observed on
that day is a commemoration of what was then done. For in it, first,
they run out of the city in great crowds, and call out aloud several
familiar and common names, Caius, Marcus, Lucius, and the like, in
representation of the way in which they called to one another when they
went out in such haste. In the next place, the maid-servants, gaily
dressed, run about, playing and jesting upon all they meet, and amongst
themselves, also, use a kind of skirmishing, to show they helped in the
conflict against the Latins; and while eating and drinking, they sit
shaded over with boughs of wild fig-tree, and the day they call Nonae
Caprotinae, as some think from that wild fig-tree on which the maid-
servant held up her torch, the Roman name for a wild fig-tree being
caprificus. Others refer most of what is said or done at this feast to
the fate of Romulus, for, on this day, he vanished outside the gates in
a sudden darkness and storm (some think it an eclipse of the sun), and
from this, the day was called Nonae Caprotinae, the Latin for a goat
being capra, and the place where he disappeared having the name of
Goat's Marsh, as is stated in his life.
But the general stream of writers prefer the other account of this war,
which they thus relate. Camillus, being the third time chosen dictator,
and learning that the army under the tribunes was besieged by the Latins
and Volscians, was constrained to arm, not only those under, but also
those over, the age of service; and taking a large circuit round the
mountain Maecius, undiscovered by the enemy, lodged his army on their
rear, and then by many fires gave notice of his arrival. The besieged,
encouraged by this, prepared to sally forth and join battle; but the
Latins and Volscians, fearing this exposure to an enemy on both sides,
drew themselves within their works, and fortified their camp with a
strong palisade of trees on every side, resolving to wait for more
supplies from home, and expecting, also, the assistance of the Tuscans,
their confederates. Camillus, detecting their object, and fearing to be
reduced to the same position to which he had brought them, namely, to be
besieged himself, resolved to lose no time; and finding their rampart
was all of timber, and observing that a strong wind constantly at sun-
rising blew off from the mountains, after having prepared a quantity of
combustibles, about break of day he drew forth his forces, commanding a
part with their missiles to assault the enemy with noise and shouting on
the other quarter, whilst he, with those that were to fling in the fire,
went to that side of the enemy's camp to which the wind usually blew,
and there waited his opportunity. When the skirmish was begun, and the
sun risen, and a strong wind set in from the mountains, he gave the
signal of onset; and, heaping in an infinite quantity of fiery matter,
filled all their rampart with it, so that the flame being fed by the
close timber and wooden palisades, went on and spread into all quarters.
The Latins, having nothing ready to keep it off or extinguish it, when
the camp was now almost full of fire, were driven back within a very
small compass, and at last forced by necessity to come into their
enemy's hands, who stood before the works ready armed and prepared to
receive them; of these very few escaped, while those that stayed in the
camp were all a prey to the fire, until the Romans, to gain the pillage,
extinguished it.
These things performed, Camillus, leaving his son Lucius in the camp to
guard the prisoners and secure the booty, passed into the enemy's
country, where, having taken the city of the Aequians and reduced the
Volscians to obedience, he then immediately led his army to Sutrium, not
having heard what had befallen the Sutrians, but making haste to assist
them, as if they were still in danger and besieged by the Tuscans.
They, however, had already surrendered their city to their enemies, and
destitute of all things, with nothing left but their clothes, met
Camillus on the way, leading their wives and children, and bewailing
their misfortune. Camillus himself was struck with compassion, and
perceiving the soldiers weeping, and commiserating their case, while the
Sutrians hung about and clung to them, resolved not to defer revenge,
but that very day to lead his army to Sutrium; conjecturing that the
enemy, having just taken a rich and plentiful city, without an enemy
left within it, nor any from without to be expected, would be found
abandoned to enjoyment and unguarded. Neither did his opinion fail him;
he not only passed through their country without discovery, but came up
to their very gates and possessed himself of the walls, not a man being
left to guard them, but their whole army scattered about in the houses,
drinking and making merry. Nay, when at last they did perceive that the
enemy had seized the city, they were so overloaded with meat and wine,
that few were able so much as to endeavor to escape, but either waited
shamefully for their death within doors, or surrendered themselves to
the conqueror. Thus the city of the Sutrians was twice taken in one
day; and they who were in possession lost it, and they who had lost
regained it, alike by the means of Camillus. For all which actions he
received a triumph, which brought him no less honor and reputation than
the two former ones; for those citizens who before most regarded him
with an evil eye, and ascribed his successes to a certain luck rather
than real merit, were compelled by these last acts of his to allow the
whole honor to his great abilities and energy.
Of all the adversaries and enviers of his glory, Marcus Manlius was the
most distinguished, he who first drove back the Gauls when they made
their night attack upon the Capitol, and who for that reason had been
named Capitolinus. This man, affecting the first place in the
commonwealth, and not able by noble ways to outdo Camillus's reputation,
took that ordinary course towards usurpation of absolute power, namely,
to gain the multitude, those of them especially that were in debt;
defending some by pleading their causes against their creditors,
rescuing others by force, and not suffering the law to proceed against
them; insomuch that in a short time he got great numbers of indigent
people about him, whose tumults and uproars in the forum struck terror
into the principal citizens. After that Quintius Capitolinus, who was
made dictator to suppress these disorders, had committed Manlius to
prison, the people immediately changed their apparel, a thing never done
but in great and public calamities, and the senate, fearing some tumult,
ordered him to be released. He, however, when set at liberty, changed
not his course, but was rather the more insolent in his proceedings,
filling the whole city with faction and sedition. They chose,
therefore, Camillus again military tribune; and a day being appointed
for Manlius to answer to his charge, the prospect from the place where
his trial was held proved a great impediment to his accusers; for the
very spot where Manlius by night fought with the Gauls overlooked the
forum from the Capitol, so that, stretching forth his hands that way,
and weeping, he called to their remembrance his past actions, raising
compassion in all that beheld him. Insomuch that the judges were at a
loss what to do, and several times adjourned the trial, unwilling to
acquit him of the crime, which was sufficiently proved, and yet unable
to execute the law while his noble action remained, as it were, before
their eyes. Camillus, considering this, transferred the court outside
the gates to the Peteline Grove, from whence there is no prospect of the
Capitol. Here his accuser went on with his charge, and his judges were
capable of remembering and duly resenting his guilty deeds. He was
convicted, carried to the Capitol, and flung headlong from the rock; so
that one and the same spot was thus the witness of his greatest glory,
and monument of his most unfortunate end. The Romans, besides, razed
his house, and built there a temple to the goddess they call Moneta,
ordaining for the future that none of the patrician order should ever
dwell on the Capitoline.
And now Camillus, being called to his sixth tribuneship, desired to be
excused, as being aged, and perhaps not unfearful of the malice of
fortune, and those reverses which seem to ensue upon great prosperity.
But the most apparent pretense was the weakness of his body, for he
happened at that time to be sick; the people, however, would admit of no
excuses, but, crying that they wanted not his strength for horse or for
foot service, but only his counsel and conduct, constrained him to
undertake the command, and with one of his fellow-tribunes to lead the
army immediately against the enemy. These were the Praenestines and
Volscians, who, with large forces, were laying waste the territory of
the Roman confederates. Having marched out with his army, he sat down
and encamped near the enemy, meaning himself to protract the war, or if
there should come any necessity or occasion of fighting, in the mean
time to regain his strength. But Lucius Furius, his colleague, carried
away with the desire of glory, was not to be held in, but, impatient to
give battle, inflamed the inferior officers of the army with the same
eagerness; so that Camillus, fearing he might seem out of envy to be
wishing to rob the young men of the glory of a noble exploit, consented,
though unwillingly, that he should draw out the forces, whilst himself,
by reason of weakness, stayed behind with a few in the camp. Lucius,
engaging rashly, was discomfited, when Camillus, perceiving the Romans
to give ground and fly, could not contain himself, but, leaping from his
bed, with those he had about him ran to meet them at the gates of the
camp, making his way through the flyers to oppose the pursuers; so that
those who had got within the camp turned back at once and followed him,
and those that came flying from without made head again and gathered
about him, exhorting one another not to forsake their general. Thus the
enemy for that time, was stopped in his pursuit. The next day Camillus
drawing out his forces and joining battle with them, overthrew them by
main force, and, following close upon them, entered pell-mell with them
into their camp and took it, slaying the greatest part of them.
Afterwards, having heard that the city Satricum was taken by the
Tuscans, and the inhabitants, all Romans, put to the sword, he sent home
to Rome the main body of his forces and heaviest-armed, and, taking
with him the lightest and most vigorous soldiers, set suddenly upon the
Tuscans, who were in the possession of the city, and mastered them,
slaying some and expelling the rest; and so, returning to Rome with
great spoils, gave signal evidence of their superior wisdom, who, not
mistrusting the weakness and age of a commander endued with courage and
conduct, had rather chosen him who was sickly and desirous to be
excused, than younger men who were forward and ambitious to command.
When, therefore, the revolt of the Tusculans was reported, they gave
Camillus the charge of reducing them, choosing one of his five
colleagues to go with him. And when every one was eager for the place,
contrary to the expectation of all, he passed by the rest and chose
Lucius Furius, the very same man who lately, against the judgment of
Camillus, had rashly hazarded and nearly lost a battle; willing, as it
should seem, to dissemble that miscarriage, and free him from the shame
of it. The Tusculans, hearing of Camillus's coming against them, made a
cunning attempt at revoking their act of revolt; their fields, as in
times of highest peace, were full of plowman and shepherds; their gates
stood wide open, and their children were being taught in the schools; of
the people, such as were tradesmen, he found in their workshops, busied
about their several employments, and the better sort of citizens walking
in the public places in their ordinary dress; the magistrates hurried
about to provide quarters for the Romans, as if they stood in fear of no
danger and were conscious of no fault. Which arts, though they could
not dispossess Camillus of the conviction he had of their treason, yet
induced some compassion for their repentance; he commanded them to go to
the senate and deprecate their anger, and joined himself as an
intercessor in their behalf, so that their city was acquitted of all
guilt and admitted to Roman citizenship, These were the most memorable
actions of his sixth tribuneship.
After these things, Licinius Stolo raised a great sedition in the city,
and brought the people to dissension with the senate, contending, that
of two consuls one should be chosen out of the commons, and not both out
of the patricians. Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election
of consuls was interrupted and prevented by the people. And as this
absence of any supreme magistrate was leading to yet further confusion,
Camillus was the fourth time created dictator by the senate, sorely
against the people's will, and not altogether in accordance with his
own; he had little desire for a conflict with men whose past services
entitled them to tell him that he had achieved far greater actions in
war along with them than in politics with the patricians, who, indeed,
had only put him forward now out of envy; that, if successful, he might
crush the people, or, failing, be crushed himself. However, to provide
as good a remedy as he could for the present, knowing the day on which
the tribunes of the people intended to prefer the law, he appointed it
by proclamation for a general muster, and called the people from the
forum into the Campus, threatening to set heavy fines upon such as
should not obey. On the other side, the tribunes of the people met his
threats by solemnly protesting they would fine him in fifty thousand
drachmas of silver, if he persisted in obstructing the people from
giving their suffrages for the law. Whether it were, then, that he
feared another banishment or condemnation which would ill become his age
and past great actions, or found himself unable to stem the current of
the multitude, which ran strong and violent, he betook himself, for the
present, to his house, and afterwards, for some days together,
professing sickness, finally laid down his dictatorship. The senate
created another dictator; who, choosing Stolo, leader of the sedition,
to be his general of horse, suffered that law to be enacted and
ratified, which was most grievous to the patricians, namely, that no
person whatsoever should possess above five hundred acres of land.
Stolo was much distinguished by the victory he had gained; but, not long
after, was found himself to possess more than he had allowed to others,
and suffered the penalties of his own law.
And now the contention about election of consuls coming on (which was
the main point and original cause of the dissension, and had throughtout
furnished most matter of division between the senate and the people),
certain intelligence arrived, that the Gauls again, proceeding from the
Adriatic Sea, were marching in vast numbers upon Rome. On the very
heels of the report followed manifest acts also of hostility; the
country through which they marched was all wasted, and such as by flight
could not make their escape to Rome were dispersing and scattering among
the mountains. The terror of this war quieted the sedition; nobles and
commons, senate and people together, unanimously chose Camillus the
fifth time dictator; who, though very aged, not wanting much of
fourscore years, yet, considering the danger and necessity of his
country, did not, as before, pretend sickness, or depreciate his own
capacity, but at once undertook the charge, and enrolled soldiers. And,
knowing that the great force of the barbarians lay chiefly in their
swords, with which they laid about them in a rude and inartificial
manner, hacking and hewing the head and shoulders, he caused head-pieces
entire of iron to be made for most of his men, smoothing and polishing
the outside, that the enemy's swords, lighting upon them, might either
slide off or be broken; and fitted also their shields with a little rim
of brass, the wood itself not being sufficient to bear off the blows.
Besides, he taught his soldiers to use their long javelins in close
encounter, and, by bringing them under their enemy's swords, to receive
their strokes upon them.
When the Gauls drew near, about the river Anio, dragging a heavy camp
after them, and loaded with infinite spoil, Camillus drew forth his
forces, and planted himself upon a hill of easy ascent, and which had
many dips in it, with the object that the greatest part of his army
might lie concealed, and those who appeared might be thought to have
betaken themselves, through fear, to those upper grounds. And the more
to increase this opinion in them, he suffered them, without any
disturbance, to spoil and pillage even to his very trenches, keeping
himself quiet within his works, which were well fortified; till, at
last, perceiving that part of the enemy were scattered about the country
foraging, and that those that were in the camp did nothing day and night
but drink and revel, in the nighttime he drew up his lightest-armed
men, and sent them out before to impede the enemy while forming into
order, and to harass them when they should first issue out of their
camp; and early in the morning brought down his main body, and set them
in battle array in the lower grounds, a numerous and courageous army,
not, as the barbarians had supposed, an inconsiderable and fearful
division. The first thing that shook the courage of the Gauls was, that
their enemies had, contrary to their expectation, the honor of being
aggressors. In the next place, the light-armed men, falling upon them
before they could get into their usual order or range themselves in
their proper squadrons, so disturbed and pressed upon them, that they
were obliged to fight at random, without any order at all. But at last,
when Camillus brought on his heavy-armed legions, the barbarians, with
their swords drawn, went vigorously to engage them; the Romans, however,
opposing their javelins and receiving the force of their blows on those
parts of their defenses which were well guarded with steel, turned the
edge of their weapons, being made of a soft and ill-tempered metal, so
that their swords bent and doubled up in their hands; and their shields
were pierced through and through, and grew heavy with the javelins that
stuck upon them. And thus forced to quit their own weapons, they
endeavored to take advantage of those of their enemies, laid hold of the
javelins with their hands, and tried to pluck them away. But the
Romans, perceiving them now naked and defenseless, betook themselves to
their swords, which they so well used, that in a little time great
slaughter was made in the foremost ranks, while the rest fled over all
parts of the level country; the hills and upper grounds Camillus had
secured beforehand, and their camp they knew it would not be difficult
for the enemy to take, as, through confidence of victory, they had left
it unguarded. This fight, it is stated, was thirteen years after the
sacking of Rome; and from henceforward the Romans took courage, and
surmounted the apprehensions they had hitherto entertained of the
barbarians, whose previous defeat they had attributed rather to
pestilence and a concurrence of mischances than to their own superior
valor. And, indeed, this fear had been formerly so great, that they
made a law, that priests should be excused from service in war, unless
in an invasion from the Gauls.
This was the last military action that ever Camillus performed; for the
voluntary surrender of the city of the Velitrani was but a mere
accessory to it. But the greatest of all civil contests, and the
hardest to be managed, was still to be fought out against the people;
who, returning home full of victory and success, insisted, contrary to
established law, to have one of the consuls chosen out of their own
body. The senate strongly opposed it, and would not suffer Camillus to
lay down his dictatorship, thinking, that, under the shelter of his
great name and authority, they should be better able to contend for the
power of the aristocracy. But when Camillus was sitting upon the
tribunal, dispatching public affairs, an officer, sent by the tribunes
of the people, commanded him to rise and follow him, laying his hand
upon him, as ready to seize and carry him away; upon which, such a noise
and tumult as was never heard before, filled the whole forum; some that
were about Camillus thrusting the officer from the bench, and the
multitude below calling out to him to bring Camillus down. Being at a
loss what to do in these difficulties, he yet laid not down his
authority, but, taking the senators along with him, he went to the
senate-house; but before he entered, besought the gods that they would
bring these troubles to a happy conclusion, solemnly vowing, when the
tumult was ended, to build a temple to Concord. A great conflict of
opposite opinions arose in the senate; but, at last, the most moderate
and most acceptable to the people prevailed, and consent was given, that
of two consuls, one should be chosen from the commonalty. When the
dictator proclaimed this determination of the senate to the people, at
the moment, pleased and reconciled with the senate, as indeed could not
otherwise be, they accompanied Camillus home, with all expressions and
acclamations of joy; and the next day, assembling together, they voted a
temple of Concord to be built, according to Camillus's vow, facing the
assembly and the forum; and to the feasts, called the Latin holidays,
they added one day more, making four in all; and ordained that, on the
present occasion, the whole people of Rome should sacrifice with
garlands on their heads.
In the election of consuls held by Camillus, Marcus Aemilius was chosen
of the patricians, and Lucius Sextius the first of the commonalty; and
this was the last of all Camillus's actions. In the year following, a
pestilential sickness infected Rome, which, besides an infinite number
of the common people, swept away most of the magistrates, among whom was
Camillus; whose death cannot be called immature, if we consider his
great age, or greater actions, yet was he more lamented than all the
rest put together that then died of that distemper.
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