Plutarch's Lives
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SERTORIUS
It is no great wonder if in long process of time, while fortune
takes her course hither and thither, numerous coincidences
should spontaneously occur. If the number and variety of
subjects to be wrought upon be infinite, it is all the more
easy for fortune, with such an abundance of material, to effect
this similarity of results. Or if, on the other hand, events
are limited to the combinations of some finite number, then of
necessity the same must often recur, and in the same sequence.
There are people who take a pleasure in making collections of
all such fortuitous occurrences that they have heard or read
of, as look like works of a rational power and design; they
observe, for example, that two eminent persons, whose names
were Attis, the one a Syrian, the other of Arcadia, were both
slain by a wild boar; that of two whose names were Actaeon, the
one was torn in pieces by his dogs, the other by his lovers;
that of two famous Scipios, the one overthrew the Carthaginians
in war, the other totally ruined and destroyed them; the city
of Troy was the first time taken by Hercules for the horses
promised him by Laomedon, the second time by Agamemnon, by
means of the celebrated great wooden horse, and the third time
by Charidemus, by occasion of a horse falling down at the gate,
which hindered the Trojans, so that they could not shut them
soon enough; and of two cities which take their names from the
most agreeable odoriferous plants, Ios and Smyrna, the one from
a violet, the other from myrrh, the poet Homer is reported to
have been born in the one, and to have died in the other. And
so to these instances let us further add, that the most warlike
commanders, and most remarkable for exploits of skillful
stratagem, have had but one eye; as Philip, Antigonus,
Hannibal, and Sertorius, whose life and actions we describe at
present; of whom, indeed, we might truly say, that he was more
continent than Philip, more faithful to his friend than
Antigonus, and more merciful to his enemies than Hannibal; and
that for prudence and judgment he gave place to none of them,
but in fortune was inferior to them all. Yet though he had
continually in her a far more difficult adversary to contend
against than his open enemies, he nevertheless maintained his
ground, with the military skill of Metellus, the boldness of
Pompey, the success of Sylla, and the power of the Roman
people, all to be encountered by one who was a banished man and
a stranger at the head of a body of barbarians. Among Greek
commanders, Eumenes of Cardia may be best compared with him;
they were both of them men born for command, for warfare, and
for stratagem; both banished from their countries, and holding
command over strangers; both had fortune for their adversary,
in their last days so harshly so, that they were both betrayed
and murdered by those who served them, and with whom they had
formerly overcome their enemies.
Quintus Sertorius was of a noble family, born in the city of
Nursia, in the country of the Sabines; his father died when he
was young, and he was carefully and decently educated by his
mother, whose name was Rhea, and whom he appears to have
extremely loved and honored. He paid some attention to the
study of oratory and pleading in his youth, and acquired some
reputation and influence in Rome by his eloquence; but the
splendor of his actions in arms, and his successful
achievements in the wars, drew off his ambition in that
direction.
At his first beginning, he served under Caepio, when the Cimbri
and Teutones invaded Gaul; where the Romans fighting
unsuccessfully, and being put to flight, he was wounded in many
parts of his body, and lost his horse, yet, nevertheless, swam
across the river Rhone in his armor, with his breastplate and
shield, bearing himself up against the violence of the current;
so strong and so well inured to hardship was his body.
The second time that the Cimbri and Teutones came down with
some hundreds of thousands, threatening death and destruction
to all, when it was no small piece of service for a Roman
soldier to keep his ranks and obey his commander, Sertorius
undertook, while Marius led the army, to spy out the enemy's
camp. Procuring a Celtic dress, and acquainting himself with
the ordinary expressions of their language requisite for common
intercourse, he threw himself in amongst the barbarians; where
having carefully seen with his own eyes, or having been fully
informed by persons upon the place of all their most important
concerns, he returned to Marius, from whose hands he received
the rewards of valor; and afterwards giving frequent proofs
both of conduct and courage in all the following war, he was
advanced to places of honor and trust under his general. After
the wars with the Cimbri and Teutones, he was sent into Spain,
having the command of a thousand men under Didius, the Roman
general, and wintered in the country of the Celtiberians, in
the city of Castulo, where the soldiers enjoying great plenty,
and growing insolent, and continually drinking, the inhabitants
despised them and sent for aid by night to the Gyrisoenians,
their near neighbors, who fell upon the Romans in their
lodgings and slew a great number of them. Sertorius, with a
few of his soldiers, made his way out, and rallying together
the rest who escaped, he marched round about the walls, and
finding the gate open, by which the Gyrisoenians had made their
secret entrance, he gave not them the same opportunity, but
placing a guard at the gate, and seizing upon all quarters of
the city, he slew all who were of age to bear arms, and then
ordering his soldiers to lay aside their weapons and put off
their own clothes, and put on the accoutrements of the
barbarians, he commanded them to follow him to the city, from
whence the men came who had made this night attack upon the
Romans. And thus deceiving the Gyrisoenians with the sight of
their own armor, he found the gates of their city open, and
took a great number prisoners, who came out thinking to meet
their friends and fellow-citizens come home from a successful
expedition. Most of them were thus slain by the Romans at
their own gates, and the rest within yielded up themselves and
were sold for slaves.
This action made Sertorius highly renowned throughout all
Spain, and as soon as he returned to Rome he was appointed
quaestor of Cisalpine Gaul, at a very seasonable moment for his
country, the Marsian war being on the point of breaking out.
Sertorius was ordered to raise soldiers and provide arms, which
he performed with a diligence and alacrity, so contrasting with
the feebleness and slothfulness of other officers of his age,
that he got the repute of a man whose life would be one of
action. Nor did he relinquish the part of a soldier, now that
he had arrived at the dignity of a commander, but performed
wonders with his own hands, and never sparing himself, but
exposing his body freely in all conflicts, he lost one of his
eyes. This he always esteemed an honor to him; observing that
others do not continually carry about with them the marks and
testimonies of their valor, but must often lay aside their
chains of gold, their spears and crowns; whereas his ensigns of
honor, and the manifestations of his courage always remained
with him, and those who beheld his misfortune, must at the same
time recognize his merits. The people also paid him the
respect he deserved, and when he came into the theater,
received him with plaudits and joyful acclamations, an honor
rarely bestowed even on persons of advanced standing and
established reputation. Yet, notwithstanding this popularity,
when he stood to be tribune of the people, he was disappointed,
and lost the place, being opposed by the party of Sylla, which
seems to have been the principal cause of his subsequent enmity
to Sylla.
After that Marius was overcome by Sylla and fled into Africa,
and Sylla had left Italy to go to the wars against Mithridates,
and of the two consuls Octavius and Cinna, Octavius remained
steadfast to the policy of Sylla, but Cinna, desirous of a new
revolution, attempted to recall the lost interest of Marius,
Sertorius joined Cinna's party, more particularly as he saw
that Octavius was not very capable, and was also suspicious of
anyone that was a friend to Marius. When a great battle was
fought between the two consuls in the forum, Octavius overcame,
and Cinna and Sertorius, having lost not less than ten
thousand men, left the city, and gaining over most part of the
troops who were dispersed about and remained still in many
parts of Italy, they in a short time mustered up a force
against Octavius sufficient to give him battle again, and
Marius, also, now coming by sea out of Africa, proffered
himself to serve under Cinna, as a private soldier under his
consul and commander.
Most were for the immediate reception of Marius, but Sertorius
openly declared against it, whether he thought that Cinna would
not now pay as much attention to himself, when a man of higher
military repute was present, or feared that the violence of
Marius would bring all things to confusion, by his boundless
wrath and vengeance after victory. He insisted upon it with
Cinna that they were already victorious, that there remained
little to be done, and that, if they admitted Marius, he would
deprive them of the glory and advantage of the war, as there
was no man less easy to deal with, or less to be trusted in, as
a partner in power. Cinna answered, that Sertorius rightly
judged the affair, but that he himself was at a loss, and
ashamed, and knew not how to reject him, after he had sent for
him to share in his fortunes. To which Sertorius immediately
replied, that he had thought that Marius came into Italy of his
own accord, and therefore had deliberated as to what might be
most expedient, but that Cinna ought not so much as to have
questioned whether he should accept him whom he had already
invited, but should have honorably received and employed him,
for his word once past left no room for debate. Thus Marius
being sent for by Cinna, and their forces being divided into
three parts, under Cinna, Marius, and Sertorius, the war was
brought to a successful conclusion; but those about Cinna and
Marius committing all manner of insolence and cruelty, made the
Romans think the evils of war a golden time in comparison. On
the contrary, it is reported of Sertorius, that he never slew
any man in his anger, to satisfy his own private revenge, nor
ever insulted over anyone whom he had overcome, but was much
offended with Marius, and often privately entreated Cinna to
use his power more moderately. And in the end, when the slaves
whom Marius had freed at his landing to increase his army,
being made not only his fellow-soldiers in the war, but also
now his guard in his usurpation, enriched and powerful by his
favor, either by the command or permission of Marius, or by
their own lawless violence, committed all sorts of crimes,
killed their masters, ravished their masters' wives, and abused
their children, their conduct appeared so intolerable to
Sertorius that he slew the whole body of them, four thousand in
number, commanding his soldiers to shoot them down with their
javelins, as they lay encamped together.
Afterwards, when Marius died, and Cinna shortly after was
slain, when the younger Marius made himself consul against
Sertorius's wishes and contrary to law, when Carbo, Norbanus,
and Scipio fought unsuccessfully against Sylla, now advancing
to Rome, when much was lost by the cowardice and remissness of
the commanders, but more by the treachery of their party, when
with the want of prudence in the chief leaders, all went so ill
that his presence could do no good, in the end when Sylla had
placed his camp near to Scipio, and by pretending friendship,
and putting him in hopes of a peace, corrupted his army, and
Scipio could not be made sensible of this, although often
forewarned of it by Sertorius, at last he utterly despaired of
Rome, and hasted into Spain, that by taking possession there
beforehand, he might secure refuge to his friends, from their
misfortunes at home. Having bad weather in his journey, and
traveling through mountainous countries, and the inhabitants
stopping the way, and demanding a toll and money for passage,
those who were with him were out of all patience at the
indignity and shame it would be for a proconsul of Rome to pay
tribute to a crew of wretched barbarians. But he little
regarded their censure, and slighting that which had only the
appearance of an indecency, told them he must buy time, the
most precious of all things to those who go upon great
enterprises; and pacifying the barbarous people with money, he
hastened his journey, and took possession of Spain, a country
flourishing and populous, abounding with young men fit to bear
arms; but on account of the insolence and covetousness of the
governors from time to time sent thither from Rome, they had
generally an aversion to the Roman supremacy. He, however,
soon gained the affection of their nobles by intercourse with
them, and the good opinion of the people by remitting their
taxes. But that which won him most popularity, was his
exempting them from finding lodgings for the soldiers, when he
commanded his army to take up their winter quarters outside the
cities, and to pitch their camp in the suburbs; and when he
himself, first of all, caused his own tent to be raised without
the walls. Yet not being willing to rely totally upon the good
inclination of the inhabitants, he armed all the Romans who
lived in those countries that were of military age, and
undertook the building of ships and the making of all sorts of
warlike engines, by which means he kept the cities in due
obedience, showing himself gentle in all peaceful business, and
at the same time formidable to his enemies by his great
preparations for war.
As soon as he was informed that Sylla had made himself master
of Rome, and that the party which sided with Marius and Carbo
was going to destruction, he expected that some commander with
a considerable army would speedily come against him, and
therefore sent away Julius Salinator immediately, with six
thousand men fully armed, to fortify and defend the passes of
the Pyrenees. And Caius Annius not long after being sent out
by Sylla, finding Julius unassailable, sat down short at the
foot of the mountains in perplexity. But a certain Calpurnius,
surnamed Lanarius, having treacherously slain Julius, and his
soldiers then forsaking the heights of the Pyrenees, Caius
Annius advanced with large numbers and drove before him all who
endeavored to hinder his march. Sertorius, also, not being
strong enough to give him battle, retreated with three thousand
men into New Carthage, where he took shipping, and crossed the
seas into Africa. And coming near the coast of Mauritania, his
men went on shore to water, and straggling about negligently,
the natives fell upon them and slew a great number. This new
misfortune forced him to sail back again into Spain, whence he
was also repulsed, and, some Cilician pirate ships joining with
him, they made for the island of Pityussa, where they landed
and overpowered the garrison placed there by Annius, who,
however, came not long after with a great fleet of ships, and
five thousand soldiers. And Sertorius made ready to fight him
by sea, although his ships were not built for strength, but for
lightness and swift sailing; but a violent west wind raised
such a sea that many of them were run aground and shipwrecked,
and he himself, with a few vessels, being kept from putting
further out to sea by the fury of the weather, and from landing
by the power of his enemies, was tossed about painfully for ten
days together, amidst the boisterous and adverse waves.
He escaped with difficulty, and after the wind ceased, ran for
certain desert islands scattered in those seas, affording no
water, and after passing a night there, making out to sea
again, he went through the straits of Cadiz, and sailing
outward keeping the Spanish shore on his right hand, he landed
a little above the mouth of the river Baetis, where it falls
into the Atlantic sea, and gives the name to that part of
Spain. Here he met with seamen recently arrived from the
Atlantic islands, two in number, divided from one another only
by a narrow channel, and distant from the coast of Africa ten
thousand furlongs. These are called the Islands of the Blest;
rains fall there seldom, and in moderate showers, but for the
most part they have gentle breezes, bringing along with them
soft dews, which render the soil not only rich for plowing and
planting, but so abundantly fruitful that it produces
spontaneously an abundance of delicate fruits, sufficient to
feed the inhabitants, who may here enjoy all things without
trouble or labor. The seasons of the year are temperate, and
the transitions from one to another so moderate, that the air
is almost always serene and pleasant. The rough northerly and
easterly winds which blow from the coasts of Europe and Africa,
dissipated in the vast open space, utterly lose their force
before they reach the islands. The soft western and southerly
winds which breathe upon them sometimes produce gentle
sprinkling showers, which they convey along with them from the
sea, but more usually bring days of moist bright weather,
cooling and gently fertilizing the soil, so that the firm
belief prevails even among the barbarians, that this is the
seat of the blessed, and that these are the Elysian Fields
celebrated by Homer.
When Sertorius heard this account, he was seized with a
wonderful passion for these islands, and had an extreme desire
to go and live there in peace and quietness, and safe from
oppression and unending wars; but his inclinations being
perceived by the Cilician pirates, who desired not peace nor
quiet, but riches and spoils, they immediately forsook him, and
sailed away into Africa to assist Ascalis, the son of Iphtha,
and to help to restore him to his kingdom of Mauritania. Their
sudden departure noways discouraged Sertorius; he presently
resolved to assist the enemies of Ascalis, and by this new
adventure trusted to keep his soldiers together, who from this
might conceive new hopes, and a prospect of a new scene of
action. His arrival in Mauritania being very acceptable to the
Moors, he lost no time, but immediately giving battle to
Ascalis, beat him out of the field and besieged him; and
Paccianus being sent by Sylla, with a powerful supply, to raise
the siege, Sertorius slew him in the field, gained over all his
forces, and took the city of Tingis, into which Ascalis and his
brothers were fled for refuge. The Africans tell that Antaeus
was buried in this city, and Sertorius had the grave opened,
doubting the story because of the prodigious size, and finding
there his body, in effect, it is said, full sixty cubits long,
he was infinitely astonished, offered sacrifice, and heaped up
the tomb again, gave his confirmation to the story, and added
new honors to the memory of Antaeus. The Africans tell that
after the death of Antaeus, his wife Tinga lived with Hercules,
and had a son by him called Sophax, who was king of these
countries, and gave his mother's name to this city, whose son,
also, was Diodorus, a great conqueror, who brought the greatest
part of the Libyan tribes under his subjection, with an army of
Greeks, raised out of the colonies of the Olbians and Myceneans
placed here by Hercules. Thus much I may mention for the sake
of king Juba, of all monarchs the greatest student of history,
whose ancestors are said to have sprung from Diodorus and
Sophax.
When Sertorius had made himself absolute master of the whole
country, he acted with great fairness to those who had confided
in him, and who yielded to his mercy; he restored to them their
property, cities, and government, accepting only of such
acknowledgments as they themselves freely offered. And whilst
he considered which way next to turn his arms, the Lusitanians
sent ambassadors to desire him to be their general; for being
terrified with the Roman power, and finding the necessity of
having a commander of great authority and experience in war,
being also sufficiently assured of his worth and valor by those
who had formerly known him, they were desirous to commit
themselves especially to his care. And in fact Sertorius is said
to have been of a temper unassailable either by fear or
pleasure, in adversity and dangers undaunted, and noways puffed
up with prosperity. In straightforward fighting, no commander
in his time was more bold and daring, and in whatever was to be
performed in war by stratagem, secrecy, or surprise, if any
strong place was to be secured, any pass to be gained speedily,
for deceiving and overreaching an enemy, there was no man equal
to him in subtlety and skill. In bestowing rewards and
conferring honors upon those who had performed good service in
the wars he was bountiful and magnificent, and was no less
sparing and moderate in inflicting punishment. It is true that
that piece of harshness and cruelty which he executed in the
latter part of his days upon the Spanish hostages, seems to
argue that his clemency was not natural to him, but only worn
as a dress, and employed upon calculation, as his occasion or
necessity required. As to my own opinion, I am persuaded that
pure virtue, established by reason and judgment, can never be
totally perverted or changed into its opposite, by any
misfortune whatever. Yet I think it at the same time possible,
that virtuous inclinations and natural good qualities may, when
unworthily oppressed by calamities, show, with change of
fortune, some change and alteration of their temper; and thus I
conceive it happened to Sertorius, who when prosperity failed
him, became exasperated by his disasters against those who had
done him wrong.
The Lusitanians having sent for Sertorius, he left Africa, and
being made general with absolute authority, he put all in order
amongst them, and brought the neighboring parts of Spain
under subjection. Most of the tribes voluntarily submitted
themselves, won by the fame of his clemency and of his courage,
and, to some extent, also, he availed himself of cunning
artifices of his own devising to impose upon them and gain
influence over them. Amongst which, certainly, that of the
hind was not the least. Spanus, a countryman who lived in
those parts, meeting by chance a hind that had recently calved,
flying from the hunters, let the dam go, and pursuing the fawn,
took it, being wonderfully pleased with the rarity of the
color, which was all milk white. And as at that time Sertorius
was living in the neighborhood, and accepted gladly any
presents of fruit, fowl, or venison, that the country afforded,
and rewarded liberally those who presented them, the countryman
brought him his young hind, which he took and was well pleased
with at the first sight, but when in time he had made it so
tame and gentle that it would come when he called, and follow
him wheresoever he went, and could endure the noise and tumult
of the camp, knowing well that uncivilized people are naturally
prone to superstition, by little and little he raised it into
something preternatural, saying that it was given him by the
goddess Diana, and that it revealed to him many secrets. He
added, also, further contrivances. If he had received at any
time private intelligence that the enemies had made an
incursion into any part of the districts under his command, or
had solicited any city to revolt, he pretended that the hind
had informed him of it in his sleep, and charged him to keep
his forces in readiness. Or if again he had notice that any of
the commanders under him had got a victory, he would hide the
messengers and bring forth the hind crowned with flowers, for
joy of the good news that was to come, and would encourage them
to rejoice and sacrifice to the gods for the good account they
should soon receive of their prosperous success.
By such practices, he brought them to be more tractable and
obedient in all things; for now they thought themselves no
longer to be led by a stranger, but rather conducted by a god,
and the more so, as the facts themselves seemed to bear witness
to it, his power, contrary to all expectation or probability,
continually increasing. For with two thousand six hundred men,
whom for honor's sake he called Romans, combined with seven
hundred Africans, who landed with him when he first entered
Lusitania, together with four thousand targeteers, and seven
hundred horse of the Lusitanians themselves, he made war
against four Roman generals, who commanded a hundred and twenty
thousand foot, six thousand horse, two thousand archers and
slingers, and had cities innumerable in their power; whereas at
the first he had not above twenty cities in all. And from this
weak and slender beginning, he raised himself to the command of
large nations of men, and the possession of numerous cities;
and of the Roman commanders who were sent against him, he
overthrew Cotta in a sea-fight, in the channel near the town of
Mellaria; he routed Fufidius, the governor of Baetica, with the
loss of two thousand Romans, near the banks of the river
Baetis; Lucius Domitius, proconsul of the other province of
Spain, was overthrown by one of his lieutenants; Thoranius,
another commander sent against him by Metellus with a great
force, was slain, and Metellus, one of the greatest and most
approved Roman generals then living, by a series of defeats,
was reduced to such extremities, that Lucius Manlius came to
his assistance out of Gallia Narbonensis, and Pompey the Great,
was sent from Rome, itself, in all haste, with considerable
forces. Nor did Metellus know which way to turn himself, in a
war with such a bold and ready commander, who was continually
molesting him, and yet could not be brought to a set battle,
but by the swiftness and dexterity of his Spanish soldiery, was
enabled to shift and adapt himself to any change of
circumstances. Metellus had had experience in battles fought
by regular legions of soldiers, fully armed and drawn up in due
order into a heavy standing phalanx, admirably trained for
encountering and overpowering an enemy who came to close
combat, hand to hand, but entirely unfit for climbing among the
hills, and competing incessantly with the swift attacks and
retreats of a set of fleet mountaineers, or to endure hunger
and thirst, and live exposed like them to the wind and weather,
without fire or covering.
Besides, being now in years, and having been formerly engaged
in many fights and dangerous conflicts, he had grown inclined
to a more remiss, easy, and luxurious life, and was the less
able to contend with Sertorius, who was in the prime of his
strength and vigor, and had a body wonderfully fitted for war,
being strong, active, and temperate, continually accustomed to
endure hard labor, to take long tedious journeys, to pass many
nights together without sleep, to eat little, and to be
satisfied with very coarse fare, and who was never stained with
the least excess in wine, even when he was most at leisure.
What leisure time he allowed himself, he spent in hunting and
riding about, and so made himself thoroughly acquainted with
every passage for escape when he would fly, and for overtaking
and intercepting in pursuit, and gained a perfect knowledge of
where he could and where he could not go. Insomuch that
Metellus suffered all the inconveniences of defeat, although he
earnestly desired to fight, and Sertorius, though he refused
the field, reaped all the advantages of a conqueror. For he
hindered them from foraging, and cut them off from water; if
they advanced, he was nowhere to be found; if they stayed in
any place and encamped, he continually molested and alarmed
them; if they besieged any town, he presently appeared and
besieged them again, and put them to extremities for want of
necessaries. And thus he so wearied out the Roman army, that
when Sertorius challenged Metellus to fight singly with him,
they commended it, and cried out, it was a fair offer, a Roman
to fight against a Roman, and a general against a general; and
when Metellus refused the challenge, they reproached him.
Metellus derided and contemned this, and rightly so; for, as
Theophrastus observes, a general should die like a general, and
not like a skirmisher. But perceiving that the town of the
Langobritae, who gave great assistance to Sertorius, might
easily be taken for want of water, as there was but one well
within the walls, and the besieger would be master of the
springs and fountains in the suburbs, he advanced against the
place, expecting to carry it in two days' time, there being no
more water, and gave command to his soldiers to take five days'
provision only. Sertorius, however, resolving to send speedy
relief, ordered two thousand skins to be filled with water,
naming a considerable sum of money for the carriage of every
skin; and many Spaniards and Moors undertaking the work, he
chose out those who were the strongest and swiftest of foot,
and sent them through the mountains, with order that when they
had delivered the water, they should convey away privately all
those who would be least serviceable in the siege, that there
might be water sufficient for the defendants. As soon as
Metellus understood this, he was disturbed, as he had already
consumed most part of the necessary provisions for his army,
but he sent out Aquinus with six thousand soldiers to fetch in
fresh supplies. But Sertorius having notice of it, laid an
ambush for him, and having sent out beforehand three thousand
men to take post in a thickly wooded watercourse, with these he
attacked the rear of Aquinus in his return, while he himself,
charging him in the front, destroyed part of his army, and took
the rest prisoners, Aquinus only escaping, after the loss of
both his horse and his armor. And Metellus, being forced
shamefully to raise the siege, withdrew amidst the laughter and
contempt of the Spaniards; while Sertorius became yet more the
object of their esteem and admiration.
He was also highly honored for his introducing discipline and
good order amongst them, for he altered their furious savage
manner of fighting, and brought them to make use of the Roman
armor, taught them to keep their ranks, and observe signals and
watchwords; and out of a confused number of thieves and
robbers, he constituted a regular, well-disciplined army. He
bestowed silver and gold upon them liberally to gild and adorn
their helmets, he had their shields worked with various figures
and designs, he brought them into the mode of wearing flowered
and embroidered cloaks and coats, and by supplying money for
these purposes, and joining with them in all improvements, he
won the hearts of all. That, however, which delighted them
most, was the care that he took of their children. He sent for
all the boys of noblest parentage out of all their tribes, and
placed them in the great city of Osca, where he appointed
masters to instruct them in the Grecian and Roman learning,
that when they came to be men, they might, as he professed, be
fitted to share with him in authority, and in conducting the
government, although under this pretext he really made them
hostages. However, their fathers were wonderfully pleased to
see their children going daily to the schools in good order,
handsomely dressed in gowns edged with purple, and that
Sertorius paid for their lessons, examined them often,
distributed rewards to the most deserving, and gave them the
golden bosses to hang about their necks, which the Romans
called bullae.
There being a custom in Spain, that when a commander was slain
in battle, those who attended his person fought it out till
they all died with him, which the inhabitants of those
countries called an offering, or libation, there were few
commanders that had any considerable guard or number of
attendants; but Sertorius was followed by many thousands who
offered themselves, and vowed to spend their blood with his.
And it is told that when his army was defeated near a city in
Spain, and the enemy pressed hard upon them, the Spaniards,
with no care for themselves, but being totally solicitous to
save Sertorius, took him up on their shoulders and passed him
from one to another, till they carried him into the city, and
only when they had thus placed their general in safety,
provided afterwards each man for his own security.
Nor were the Spaniards alone ambitious to serve him, but the
Roman soldiers, also, that came out of Italy, were impatient to
be under his command; and when Perpenna Vento, who was of the
same faction with Sertorius, came into Spain with a quantity of
money and a large number of troops, and designed to make war
against Metellus on his own account, his own soldiers opposed
it, and talked continually of Sertorius, much to the
mortification of Perpenna, who was puffed up with the grandeur
of his family and his riches. And when they afterwards
received tidings that Pompey was passing the Pyrenees, they
took up their arms, laid hold on their ensigns, called upon
Perpenna to lead them to Sertorius, and threatened him that if
he refused they would go without him, and place themselves
under a commander who was able to defend himself and those that
served him. And so Perpenna was obliged to yield to their
desires, and joining Sertorius, added to his army three and
fifty cohorts.
And when now all the cities on this side of the river Ebro also
united their forces together under his command, his army grew
great, for they flocked together and flowed in upon him from
all quarters. But when they continually cried out to attack
the enemy, and were impatient of delay, their inexperienced,
disorderly rashness caused Sertorius much trouble, who at first
strove to restrain them with reason and good counsel, but when
he perceived them refractory and unseasonably violent, he gave
way to their impetuous desires, and permitted them to engage
with the enemy, in such sort that they might, being repulsed,
yet not totally routed, become more obedient to his commands
for the future. Which happening as he had anticipated, he soon
rescued them, and brought them safe into his camp. And after a
few days, being willing to encourage them again, when he had
called all his army together, he caused two horses to be
brought into the field, one an old, feeble, lean animal, the
other a lusty, strong horse, with a remarkably thick and long
tail. Near the lean one he placed a tall strong man, and near
the strong young horse a weak despicable-looking fellow; and at
a sign given, the strong man took hold of the weak horse's tail
with both his hands, and drew it to him with his whole force,
as if he would pull it off; the other, the weak man, in the
mean time, set to work to pluck off hair by hair from the great
horse's tail. And when the strong man had given trouble enough
to himself in vain, and sufficient diversion to the company,
and had abandoned his attempt, whilst the weak pitiful fellow
in a short time and with little pains had left not a hair on
the great horse's tail, Sertorius rose up and spoke to his
army, "You see, fellow soldiers, that perseverance is more
prevailing than violence, and that many things which cannot be
overcome when they are together, yield themselves up when taken
little by little. Assiduity and persistence are irresistible,
and in time overthrow and destroy the greatest powers whatever.
Time being the favorable friend and assistant of those who use
their judgment to await his occasions, and the destructive
enemy of those who are unseasonably urging and pressing
forward." With a frequent use of such words and such devices,
he soothed the fierceness of the barbarous people, and taught
them to attend and watch for their opportunities.
Of all his remarkable exploits, none raised greater admiration
than that which he put in practice against the Characitanians.
These are a people beyond the river Tagus, who inhabit neither
cities nor towns, but live in a vast high hill, within the deep
dens and caves of the rocks, the mouths of which open all
towards the north. The country below is of a soil resembling a
light clay, so loose as easily to break into powder, and is not
firm enough to bear anyone that treads upon it, and if you
touch it in the least, it flies about like ashes or unslaked
lime. In any danger of war, these people descend into their
caves, and carrying in their booty and prey along with them,
stay quietly within, secure from every attack. And when
Sertorius, leaving Metellus some distance off had placed his
camp near this hill, they slighted and despised him, imagining,
that he retired into these parts, being overthrown by the
Romans. And whether out of anger and resentment, or out of his
unwillingness to be thought to fly from his enemies, early in
the morning he rode up to view the situation of the place. But
finding there was no way to come at it, as he rode about,
threatening them in vain and disconcerted, he took notice that
the wind raised the dust and carried it up towards the caves of
the Characitanians, the mouths of which, as I said before,
opened towards the north; and the northerly wind, which some
call Caecias, prevailing most in those parts, coming up out of
moist plains or mountains covered with snow, at this particular
time, in the heat of summer, being further supplied and
increased by the melting of the ice in the northern regions,
blew a delightful fresh gale, cooling and refreshing the
Characitanians and their cattle all the day long. Sertorius,
considering well all circumstances in which either the
information of the inhabitants, or his own experience had
instructed him, commanded his soldiers to shovel up a great
quantity of this light, dusty earth, to heap it up together,
and make a mount of it over against the hill in which these
barbarous people resided, who, imagining that all this
preparation was for raising a mound to get at them, only mocked
and laughed at it. However, he continued the work till the
evening, and brought his soldiers back into their camp. The
next morning a gentle breeze at first arose, and moved the
lightest parts of the earth, and dispersed it about as the
chaff before the wind; but when the sun coming to be higher,
the strong northerly wind had covered the hills with the dust,
the soldiers came and turned this mound of earth over and over,
and broke the hard clods in pieces, whilst others on horseback
rode through it backward and forward, and raised a cloud of
dust into the air: there with the wind the whole of it was
carried away and blown into the dwellings of the
Characitanians, all lying open to the north. And there being
no other vent or breathing-place than that through which the
Caecias rushed in upon them, it quickly blinded their eyes, and
filled their lungs, and all but choked them, whilst they strove
to draw in the rough air mingled with dust and powdered earth.
Nor were they able, with all they could do, to hold out above
two days, but yielded up themselves on the third, adding, by
their defeat, not so much to the power of Sertorius, as to his
renown, in proving that he was able to conquer places by art,
which were impregnable by the force of arms.
So long as he had to do with Metellus, he was thought to owe
his successes to his opponent's age and slow temper, which were
ill-suited for coping with the daring and activity of one who
commanded a light army more like a band of robbers than regular
soldiers. But when Pompey also passed over the Pyrenees, and
Sertorius pitched his camp near him, and offered and himself
accepted every occasion by which military skill could be put to
the proof, and in this contest of dexterity was found to have
the better, both in baffling his enemy's designs and in
counter-scheming himself, the fame of him now spread even to
Rome itself, as the most expert commander of his time. For the
renown of Pompey was not small, who had already won much honor
by his achievements in the wars of Sylla, from whom he received
the title of Magnus, and was called Pompey the Great; and who
had risen to the honor of a triumph before the beard had grown
on his face. And many cities which were under Sertorius were
on the very eve of revolting and going over to Pompey, when
they were deterred from it by that great action, amongst
others, which he performed near the city of Lauron, contrary to
the expectation of all.
For Sertorius had laid siege to Lauron, and Pompey came with
his whole army to relieve it; and there being a hill near this
city very advantageously situated, they both made haste to take
it. Sertorius was beforehand, and took possession of it first,
and Pompey, having drawn down his forces, was not sorry that it
had thus happened, imagining that he had hereby enclosed his
enemy between his own army and the city, and sent in a
messenger to the citizens of Lauron, to bid them be of good
courage, and to come upon their walls, where they might see
their besieger besieged. Sertorius, perceiving their
intentions, smiled, and said, he would now teach Sylla's
scholar, for so he called Pompey in derision, that it was the
part of a general to look as well behind him as before him, and
at the same time showed them six thousand soldiers, whom he had
left in his former camp, from whence he marched out to take the
hill, where if Pompey should assault him, they might fall upon
his rear. Pompey discovered this too late, and not daring to
give battle, for fear of being encompassed, and yet being
ashamed to desert his friends and confederates in their extreme
danger, was thus forced to sit still, and see them ruined
before his face. For the besieged despaired of relief, and
delivered up themselves to Sertorius, who spared their lives
and granted them their liberty, but burnt their city, not out
of anger or cruelty, for of all commanders that ever were,
Sertorius seems least of all to have indulged these passions,
but only for the greater shame and confusion of the admirers of
Pompey, and that it might be reported amongst the Spaniards,
that though he had been so close to the fire which burnt down
the city of his confederates as actually to feel the heat of
it, he still had not dared to make any opposition.
Sertorius, however, sustained many losses; but he always
maintained himself and those immediately with him undefeated,
and it was by other commanders under him that he suffered; and
he was more admired for being able to repair his losses, and
for recovering the victory, than the Roman generals against him
for gaining these advantages; as at the battle of the Sucro
against Pompey, and at the battle near Tuttia, against him and
Metellus together. The battle near the Sucro was fought, it is
said, through the impatience of Pompey, lest Metellus should
share with him in the victory, Sertorius being also willing to
engage Pompey before the arrival of Metellus. Sertorius
delayed the time till the evening, considering that the
darkness of the night would be a disadvantage to his enemies,
whether flying or pursuing, being strangers, and having no
knowledge of the country. When the fight began, it happened
that Sertorius was not placed directly against Pompey, but
against Afranius, who had command of the left wing of the Roman
army, as he commanded the right wing of his own; but when he
understood that his left wing began to give way, and yield to
the assault of Pompey, he committed the care of his right wing
to other commanders, and made haste to relieve those in
distress; and rallying some that were flying, and encouraging
others that still kept their ranks, he renewed the fight, and
attacked the enemy in their pursuit so effectively as to cause
a considerable rout, and brought Pompey into great danger of
his life. For after being wounded and losing his horse, he
escaped unexpectedly. For the Africans with Sertorius, who
took Pompey's horse, set out with gold, and covered with rich
trappings, fell out with one another; and upon the dividing of
the spoil, gave over the pursuit. Afranius, in the meantime,
as soon as Sertorius had left his right wing, to assist the
other part of his army, overthrew all that opposed him; and
pursuing them to their camp, fell in together with them, and
plundered them till it was dark night; knowing nothing of
Pompey's overthrow, nor being able to restrain his soldiers
from pillaging; when Sertorius, returning with victory, fell
upon him and upon his men, who were all in disorder, and slew
many of them. And the next morning he came into the field
again, well armed, and offered battle, but perceiving that
Metellus was near, he drew off, and returned to his camp,
saying, "If this old woman had not come up, I would have
whipped that boy soundly and sent him to Rome."
He was much concerned that his white hind could nowhere be
found; as he was thus destitute of an admirable contrivance to
encourage the barbarous people, at a time when he most stood in
need of it. Some men, however, wandering in the night, chanced
to meet her, and knowing her by her color, took her; to whom
Sertorius promised a good reward, if they would tell no one of
it; and immediately shut her up. A few days after, he appeared
in public with a very cheerful look, and declared to the chief
men of the country, that the gods had foretold him in a dream
that some great good fortune should shortly attend him; and,
taking his seat, proceeded to answer the petitions of those who
applied themselves to him. The keepers of the hind, who were
not far off, now let her loose, and she no sooner espied
Sertorius, but she came leaping with great joy to his feet,
laid her head upon his knees, and licked his hands, as she
formerly used to do. And Sertorius stroking her, and making
much of her again, with that tenderness that the tears stood in
his eyes, all that were present were immediately filled with
wonder and astonishment, and accompanying him to his house with
loud shouts for joy, looked upon him as a person above the rank
of mortal men, and highly beloved by the gods; and were in
great courage and hope for the future.
When he had reduced his enemies to the last extremity for want
of provision, he was forced to give them battle, in the plains
near Saguntum, to hinder them from foraying, and plundering the
country. Both parties fought gloriously. Memmius, the best
commander in Pompey's army, was slain in the heat of the
battle. Sertorius over threw all before him, and with great
slaughter of his enemies pressed forward towards Metellus.
This old commander, making a resistance beyond what could be
expected from one of his years, was wounded with a lance; an
occurrence which filled all who either saw it or heard of it,
with shame, to be thought to have left their general in
distress, but at the same time it provoked them to revenge and
fury against their enemies; they covered Metellus with their
shields, and brought him off in safety, and then valiantly
repulsed the Spaniards; and so victory changed sides, and
Sertorius, that he might afford a more secure retreat to his
army, and that fresh forces might more easily be raised,
retired into a strong city in the mountains. And though it was
the least of his intention to sustain a long siege, yet he
began to repair the walls, and to fortify the gates, thus
deluding his enemies, who came and sat down before the town,
hoping to take it without much resistance; and meantime gave
over the pursuit of the Spaniards, and allowed opportunity for
raising new forces for Sertorius, to which purpose he had sent
commanders to all their cities, with orders, when they had
sufficiently increased their numbers, to send him word of it.
This news he no sooner received, but he sallied out and forced
his way through his enemies, and easily joined them with the
rest of his army. And having received this considerable
reinforcement, he set upon the Romans again, and by rapidly
assaulting them, by alarming them on all sides, by ensnaring,
circumventing, and laying ambushes for them, he cut off all
provisions by land, while with his piratical vessels, he kept
all the coast in awe, and hindered their supplies by sea. He
thus forced the Roman generals to dislodge, and to separate
from one another: Metellus departed into Gaul, and Pompey
wintered among the Vaccaeans, in a wretched condition, where,
being in extreme want of money, he wrote a letter to the
senate, to let them know that if they did not speedily supply
him, he must draw off his army; for he had already spent his
own money in the defense of Italy. To these extremities, the
chiefest and the most powerful commanders of the age were
reduced by the skill of Sertorius; and it was the common
opinion in Rome, that he would be in Italy before Pompey.
How far Metellus was terrified, and at what rate he esteemed
him, he plainly declared, when he offered by proclamation a
hundred talents, and twenty thousand acres of land, to any
Roman that should kill him, and leave, if he were banished, to
return; attempting villainously to buy his life by treachery,
when he despaired of ever being able to overcome him in open
war. And when once he gained the advantage in a battle against
Sertorius, he was so pleased and transported with his good
fortune, that he caused himself to be publicly proclaimed
imperator; and all the cities which he visited received him
with altars and sacrifices; he allowed himself, it is said, to
have garlands placed on his head, and accepted sumptuous
entertainments, at which he sat drinking in triumphal robes,
while images and figures of victory were introduced by the
motion of machines, bringing in with them crowns and trophies
of gold to present to him, and companies of young men and women
danced before him, and sang to him songs of joy and triumph.
By all which he rendered himself deservedly ridiculous, for
being so excessively delighted and puffed up with the thoughts
of having followed one who was retiring of his own accord, and
for having once had the better of him whom he used to call
Sylla's runaway slave, and his forces, the remnant of the
defeated troops of Carbo.
Sertorius, meantime, showed the loftiness of his temper in
calling together all the Roman senators who had fled from Rome,
and had come and resided with him, and giving them the name of
a senate; and out of these he chose praetors and quaestors, and
adorned his government with all the Roman laws and
institutions. And though he made use of the arms, riches, and
cities of the Spaniards, yet he would never, even in word,
remit to them the imperial authority, but set Roman officers
and commanders over them, intimating his purpose to restore
liberty to the Romans, not to raise up the Spaniard's power
against them. For he was a sincere lover of his country, and
had a great desire to return home; but in his adverse fortune
he showed undaunted courage, and behaved himself towards his
enemies in a manner free from all dejection and
mean-spiritedness; and when he was in his prosperity, and in
the height of his victories, he sent word to Metellus and
Pompey, that he was ready to lay down his arms, and live a
private life, if he were allowed to return home, declaring that
he had rather live as the meanest citizen in Rome, than, exiled
from it, be supreme commander of all other cities together.
And it is thought that his great desire for his country was in
no small measure promoted by the tenderness he had for his
mother, under whom he was brought up after the death of his
father, and upon whom he had placed his entire affection. And
after that his friends had sent for him into Spain to be their
general, as soon as he heard of his mother's death, he had
almost cast away himself and died for grief; for he lay seven
days together continually in his tent, without giving the word,
or being seen by the nearest of his friends; and when the chief
commanders of the army, and persons of the greatest note came
about his tent, with great difficulty they prevailed with him
at last to come abroad, and speak to his soldiers, and to take
upon him the management of affairs, which were in a prosperous
condition. And thus, to many men's judgment, he seemed to have
been in himself of a mild and compassionate temper, and
naturally given to ease and quietness, and to have accepted of
the command of military forces contrary to his own inclination,
and not being able to live in safety otherwise, to have been
driven by his enemies to have recourse to arms, and to espouse
the wars as a necessary guard for the defense of his person.
His negotiations with king Mithridates further argue the
greatness of his mind. For when Mithridates, recovering
himself from his overthrow by Sylla, like a strong wrestler
that gets up to try another fall, was again endeavoring to
reestablish his power in Asia, at this time the great fame of
Sertorius was celebrated in all places and when the merchants
who came out of the western parts of Europe, bringing these, as
it were, among their other foreign wares, had filled the
kingdom of Pontus with their stories of his exploits in war,
Mithridates was extremely desirous to send an embassy to him,
being also highly encouraged to it by the boastings of his
flattering courtiers, who, comparing Mithridates to Pyrrhus,
and Sertorius to Hannibal, professed that the Romans would
never be able to make any considerable resistance against such
great forces, and such admirable commanders, when they should
be set upon on both sides at once, on one by the most warlike
general, and on the other by the most powerful prince in
existence.
Accordingly, Mithridates sends ambassadors into Spain to
Sertorius with letters and instructions, and commission to
promise ships and money towards the charge of the war, if
Sertorius would confirm his pretensions upon Asia, and
authorize him to possess all that he had surrendered to the
Romans in his treaty with Sylla. Sertorius summoned a full
council which he called a senate, where, when others joyfully
approved of the conditions, and were desirous immediately to
accept of his offer, seeing that he desired nothing of them but
a name, and an empty title to places not in their power to
dispose of, in recompense of which they should be supplied with
what they then stood most in need of, Sertorius would by no
means agree to it; declaring that he was willing that king
Mithridates should exercise all royal power and authority over
Bithynia and Cappadocia, countries accustomed to a monarchical
government, and not belonging to Rome, but he could never
consent that he should seize or detain a province, which, by
the justest right and title, was possessed by the Romans, which
Mithridates had formerly taken away from them, and had
afterwards lost in open war to Fimbria, and quitted upon a
treaty of peace with Sylla. For he looked upon it as his duty
to enlarge the Roman possessions by his conquering arms, and
not to increase his own power by the diminution of the Roman
territories. Since a noble-minded man, though he willingly
accepts of victory when it comes with honor, will never so much
as endeavor to save his own life upon any dishonorable terms.
When this was related to Mithridates, he was struck with
amazement, and said to his intimate friends, "What will
Sertorius enjoin us to do when he comes to be seated in the
Palatium in Rome, who at present, when he is driven out to the
borders of the Atlantic sea, sets bounds to our kingdoms in the
east, and threatens us with war, if we attempt the recovery of
Asia?" However, they solemnly, upon oath, concluded a league
between them, upon these terms: that Mithridates should enjoy
the free possession of Cappadocia and Bithynia, and that
Sertorius should send him soldiers, and a general for his army,
in recompense of which the king was to supply him with three
thousand talents and forty ships. Marcus Marius, a Roman
senator who had quitted Rome to follow Sertorius, was sent
general into Asia, in company with whom when Mithridates had
reduced divers of the Asian cities, Marius made his entrance
with rods and axes carried before him, and Mithridates followed
in the second place, voluntarily waiting upon him. Some of
these cities he set at liberty, and others he freed from taxes,
signifying to them that these privileges were granted to them
by the favor of Sertorius, and hereby Asia, which had been
miserably tormented by the revenue-farmers, and oppressed by
the insolent pride and covetousness of the soldiers, began to
rise again to new hopes, and to look forward with joy to the
expected change of government.
But in Spain, the senators about Sertorius, and others of the
nobility, finding themselves strong enough for their enemies,
no sooner laid aside fear, but their minds were possessed by
envy and irrational jealousies of Sertorius's power. And
chiefly Perpenna, elevated by the thoughts of his noble birth,
and carried away with a fond ambition of commanding the army,
threw out villainous discourses in private amongst his
acquaintance. "What evil genius," he would say, "hurries us
perpetually from worse to worse? We who disdained to obey the
dictates of Sylla, the ruler of sea and land, and thus to live
at home in peace and quiet, are come hither to our destruction,
hoping to enjoy our liberty, and have made ourselves slaves of
our own accord, and are become the contemptible guards and
attendants of the banished Sertorius, who, that he may expose
us the further, gives us name that renders us ridiculous to all
that hear it, and calls us the Senate, when at the same time he
makes us undergo as much hard labor, and forces us to be as
subject to his haughty commands and insolences, as any
Spaniards and Lusitanians." With these mutinous discourses, he
seduced them; and though the greater number could not be led
into open rebellion against Sertorius, fearing his power, they
were prevailed with to endeavor to destroy his interest
secretly. For by abusing the Lusitanians and Spaniards, by
inflicting severe punishments upon them, by raising exorbitant
taxes, and by pretending that all this was done by the strict
command of Sertorius, they caused great troubles, and made many
cities to revolt; and those who were sent to mitigate and heal
these differences, did rather exasperate them, and increase the
number of his enemies, and left them at their return more
obstinate and rebellious than they found them. And Sertorius,
incensed with all this, now so far forgot his former clemency
and goodness, as to lay hands on the sons of the Spaniards,
educated in the city of Oscar and, contrary to all justice, he
cruelly put some of them to death, and sold others.
In the meantime, Perpenna, having increased the number of his
conspirators, drew in Manlius, a commander in the army, who, at
that time being attached to a youth, to gain his affections the
more, discovered the confederacy to him, bidding him neglect
others, and be constant to him alone; who, in a few days, was
to be a person of great power and authority. But the youth
having a greater inclination for Aufidius, disclosed all to
him, which much surprised and amazed him. For he was also one
of the confederacy, but knew not that Manlius was anyways
engaged in it; but when the youth began to name Perpenna,
Gracinus, and others, whom he knew very well to be sworn
conspirators, he was very much terrified and astonished; but
made light of it to the youth, and bade him not regard what
Manlius said, a vain boasting fellow. However, he went
presently to Perpenna, and giving him notice of the danger they
were in, and of the shortness of their time, desired him
immediately to put their designs in execution. And when all
the confederates had consented to it, they provided a messenger
who brought feigned letters to Sertorius, in which he had
notice of a victory obtained, it said, by one of his
lieutenants, and of the great slaughter of his enemies; and as
Sertorius, being extremely well pleased, was sacrificing and
giving thanks to the gods for his prosperous success, Perpenna
invited him, and those with him, who were also of the
conspiracy, to an entertainment, and being very importunate,
prevailed with him to come. At all suppers and entertainments
where Sertorius was present, great order and decency was wont
to be observed, for he would not endure to hear or see any
thing that was rude or unhandsome, but made it the habit of all
who kept his company, to entertain themselves with quiet and
inoffensive amusements. But in the middle of this
entertainment, those who sought occasion to quarrel, fell into
dissolute discourse openly, and making as if they were very
drunk, committed many insolences on purpose to provoke him.
Sertorius, being offended with their ill behavior, or
perceiving the state of their minds by their way of speaking
and their unusually disrespectful manner, changed the posture
of his lying, and leaned backward, as one that neither heard
nor regarded them. Perpenna now took a cup full of wine, and,
as he was drinking, let it fall out of his hand and make a
noise, which was the sign agreed upon amongst them; and
Antonius, who was next to Sertorius, immediately wounded him
with his sword. And whilst Sertorius, upon receiving the
wound, turned himself, and strove to get up, Antonius threw
himself upon his breast, and held both his hands, so that he
died by a number of blows, without being able even to defend
himself.
Upon the first news of his death, most of the Spaniards left the
conspirators, and sent ambassadors to Pompey and Metellus, and
yielded themselves up to them. Perpenna attempted to do something
with those that remained, but he made only so much use of
Sertorius's arms and preparations for war, as to disgrace himself
in them, and to let it be evident to all, that he understood no
more how to command, than he knew how to obey; and when he came
against Pompey, he was soon overthrown, and taken prisoner.
Neither did he bear this last affliction with any bravery, but
having Sertorius's papers and writings in his hands, he offered to
show Pompey letters from persons of consular dignity, and of the
highest quality in Rome, written with their own hands, expressly
to call Sertorius into Italy, and to let him know what great
numbers there were that earnestly desired to alter the present
state of affairs, and to introduce another manner of government.
Upon this occasion, Pompey behaved not like a youth, or one of
a light inconsiderate mind, but as a man of a confirmed, mature,
and solid judgment; and so freed Rome from great fears and dangers
of change. For he put all Sertorius's writings and letters
together and read not one of them, nor suffered anyone else to
read them, but burnt them all, and caused Perpenna immediately to
be put to death, lest by discovering their names, further troubles
and revolutions might ensue.
Of the rest of the conspirators with Perpenna, some were taken
and slain by the command of Pompey, others fled into Africa,
and were set upon by the Moors, and run through with their
darts; and in a short time, not one of them was left alive,
except only Aufidius, the rival of Manlius, who, hiding
himself, or not being much inquired after, died an old man, in
an obscure village in Spain, in extreme poverty, and hated by
all.
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