The Story of Rome From the Earliest Times to the
End of the Republic
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THE NEW PUSHES THE OLD--WARS AND CONQUESTS.
There were days of tumult in Rome in the year 195, which illustrate the
temper of the times, and show how the city and the people had changed,
and were changing, under the influence of two opposite forces. A vivid
picture of the scenes around the Capitol at the time has been
preserved. Men were hastening to the meeting of the magistrates from
every direction. The streets were crowded, and not with men chiefly,
for something which interested the matrons seemed to be uppermost, and
women were thronging in the same direction, in spite of custom, which
would have kept them at home; in spite even of the commands of many of
their husbands, who were opposed to their frequenting public
assemblies. Not only on one day did the women pour out into all the
avenues leading to the forum, but once and again they thrust themselves
into the presence of the law-makers. Nor were they content to stand or
sit in quiet while their husbands and brothers argued and made eloquent
speeches; they actually solicited the votes of the stronger sex in
behalf of a motion that was evidently very important in their minds.
Of old time, the Romans had thought that women should keep at home, and
that in the transaction of private business even they should be under
the direction of their parents, brothers, or husbands. What had wrought
so great a change that on these days the Roman matrons not only
ventured into the forum, but actually engaged in public business, and
that, as has been said, in many instances, in opposition to those
parents, brothers, and husbands who were in those old times their
natural directors? We shall find the reason by going back to the days
when the cost of the Punic wars bore heavily upon the state. It was
then that a law was passed that no woman should wear any garment of
divers colors, nor own more gold than a half-ounce in weight, nor ride
through the streets of a city in a carriage drawn by horses, nor in any
place nearer than a mile to a town, except for the purpose of engaging
in a public religious solemnity. The spirited matrons of Rome were ever
ready to bear their share of the public burdens, and though some
thought this oppressive, but few murmurs escaped them as they read the
Oppian law, as it was called, when it was passed, for the days were
dark, and the shadow of the defeat at Cannæ was bowing down all hearts,
and their brothers and parents and husbands were trembling, strong men
that they were, at the threatening situation of the state. Now,
however, the condition of affairs had changed. The conquests of the
past few years had brought large wealth into the city, and was it to be
expected that women should not wish to adorn themselves, as of yore,
with gold and garments of richness?
[Illustration: A ROMAN MATRON.]
When now the repeal of the law was to be discussed, the excitement
became so intense that people forgot that Spain was in a state of
insurrection, and that war threatened on every side. Women thronged to
the city from towns and villages, and even dared, as has been said, to
approach the consuls and other magistrates to solicit their votes.
Marcus Porcius Cato, a young man of about forty years, who had been
brought up on a farm, and looked with the greatest respect upon the
virtue of the olden times, before Grecian influences had crept in to
soften and refine the hard Roman character, represented the party of
conservatism. Now, thought he, is an opportunity for me to stand
against the corrupting influence of Magna Græcia. He therefore rose and
made a long speech in opposition to the petition of the matrons. He
thought they had become thus contumacious, he said, because the men had
not individually exercised their rightful authority over their own
wives. "The privileges of men are now spurned, trodden under foot," he
exclaimed, "and we, who have shown that we are unable to stand against
the women separately, are now utterly powerless against them as a body.
Their behavior is outrageous. I was filled with painful emotions of
shame as I just now made my way into the forum through the midst of a
body of women. Will you consent to give the reins to their intractable
nature and their uncontrolled passions? The moment they had arrived at
equality with you, they will have become your superiors. What motive
that common decency will allow is pretended for this female
insurrection? Why, that they may shine in gold and purple; that they
may ride through our city in chariots triumphing over abrogated law;
that there may be no bounds to waste and luxury! So soon as the law
shall cease to limit the expenses of the wife, the husband will be
powerless to set bounds to them." As the uttermost measure of the
abasement to which the women had descended, Cato declared with
indignation that they had solicited votes, and he concluded by saying
that though he called upon the gods to prosper whatever action should
be agreed upon, he thought that on no account should the Oppian law be
set aside.
When Cato had finished, one of the plebeian tribunes, Lucius Valerius,
replied to him sarcastically, saying that in spite of the mild
disposition of the speaker who had just concluded, he had uttered some
severe things against the matrons, though he had not argued very
efficiently against the measure they supported. He referred his hearers
to a book of Cato's, [Footnote: Livy is authority for this statement,
but it has been doubted if Cato's book had been written at the time.]
called Origines, or "Antiquities," in which it was made clear
that in the old times women had appeared in public, and with good
effect too. "Who rushed into the forum in the days of Romulus, and
stopped the fight with the Sabines?" he asked. "Who went out and turned
back the army of the great Coriolanus? Who brought their gold and
jewels into the forum when the Gauls demanded a great ransom for the
city? Who went out to the sea-shore during the late war to receive the
Idæan mother (Cybele) when new gods were invited hither to relieve our
distresses? Who poured out their riches to supply a depleted treasury
during that same war, now so fresh in memory? Was it not the Roman
matrons? Masters do not disdain to listen to the prayers of their
slaves, and we are asked, forsooth, to shut our ears to the petitions
of our wives!
"I have shown that women have now done no new thing. I will go on and
prove that they ask no unreasonable thing. It is true that good laws
should not be rashly repealed; but we must not forget that Rome existed
for centuries without this one, and that Roman matrons established
their high character, about which Cato is so solicitous, during that
period, the return of which he now seems to think would be subversive
of every thing good. This law served well in a time of trial; but that
has passed, and we are enjoying the return of plenty. Shall our matrons
be the only ones who may not feel the improvement that has followed a
successful war? Shall our children, and we ourselves, wear purple, and
shall it be interdicted to our wives? Elegances of appearance and
ornaments and dress are the women's badges of distinction; in them they
delight and glory, and our ancestors called them the women's world.
Still, they desire to be under control of those who are bound to them
by the bonds of love, not by stern law, in these matters. The consul
just now used invidious terms, calling this a female 'secession' as
though our matrons were about to seize the Sacred Mount or the
Aventine, as the plebeians did of yore; but their feeble nature is
incapable of such a thing. They must necessarily submit to what you
think proper, and the greater your power the more moderation should you
use in exercising it. "Thus, day after day, the men spoke and the women
poured out to protest, until even stern and inflexible Cato gave way,
and women were declared free from the restrictions of the Oppian law.
[Figure: ROMAN HEAD-DRESSES.]
Cato and Scipio represented the two forces that were at this time
working in society, the one opposing the entrance of the Grecian
influence, and the other encouraging the refinement in manners and
modes of living that came with it, even encouraging ostentation and the
lavish use of money for pleasures. When Scipio was making his
arrangements to go to Africa, he was governor of Sicily, and lived in
luxury. Cato, then but thirty years old, had been sent to Sicily to
investigate his proceedings, and act as a check upon him; but Scipio
seems to have been little influenced by the young reformer, telling him
that he would render accounts of his actions, not of the money
he spent. Upon this Cato returned to Rome, and denounced Scipio's
prodigality, his love of Greek literature and art, his magnificence,
and his persistence in wasting in the gymnasium or in the pursuit of
literature time which should have been used in training his troops.
Joining Fabius, he urged that an investigating committee be sent to
look into the matter, but it returned simply astonished at the
efficient condition of the army, and orders were given for prompt
advance upon Carthage.
[Illustration: GLADIATORS AT A FUNERAL.]
The influences coming from Greece at this time were not all the best,
for that land was in its period of decadence, and Cato did well in
trying to protect his countrymen from evil. While literature in Greece
had reached its highest and had become corrupt, there had been none in
Rome during the five centuries of its history. All this time, too,
there had been but one public holiday and a single circus; but during
the interval between the first and second Punic wars a demagogue had
instituted a second circus and a new festival, called the plebeian
games. Other festivals followed, and in time their cost became
exceedingly great, and their influence very bad. Fights of gladiators
were introduced just at the outbreak of the first Punic war, on the
occasion of the funeral of D. Junius Brutus, and were given afterward
on such occasions, because it was believed that the manes, the spirits
of the departed, loved blood. Persons began to leave money for this
purpose in their wills, and by degrees a fondness for the frightful
sport increased, for the Romans had no leaning towards the ideal, and
delighted only in those pursuits which appealed to their coarse,
strong, and, in its way, pious nature. Humor and comedy with them
became burlesque, sometimes repulsive in its grotesqueness. Dramatic
art grew up during this period. We have seen that dramatic exhibitions
were introduced in the year 363, from Etruria, at a time of pestilence,
but they were mere pantomimes. Now plays began to be written.
Trustworthy history begins at the time of the Punic wars, and the
annals of Fabius Pictor commence with the year 216, after the battle of
Cannæ.
Rome itself was changed by the increased wealth of these times. The
streets were made wider; temples were multiplied; and aqueducts were
built to bring water from distant sources; the same Appius who
constructed the great road which now bears his name, having built the
first, which, however, disappeared long ago. Another, forty-three miles
in length, was paid for out of the spoils of the war with Pyrrhus, and
portions of it still remain. With the increase of wealth and luxury
came also improvement in language and in its use, and in the year 254,
studies in law were formally begun in a school established for the
purpose.
[Figure: ACTORS MASKS.]
The Romans had conquered Italy and Carthage, and the next step was to
make them masters of the East. Philip V., King of Macedon, was, as we
have seen, one of the most eminent of monarchs of that country. His
treaty with Hannibal after the battle of Cannæ, involved him in war
with the Romans, which continued, with intermissions, until Scipio was
about to go over into Africa. Then the Romans were glad to make peace,
though no considerable results followed the struggle, and it had indeed
been pursued with little vigor for much of the time. By the year 200,
Philip had been able to establish himself in Greece, and the Romans
were somewhat rested from the war with Carthage. The peace of 205 had
been considered but a cessation of hostilities, and both people were
therefore ready for a new war. There were pretexts enough. Philip had
made an alliance with Antiochus the Great, of Syria, against Ptolemy
Epiphanes, of Egypt, who applied to Rome for assistance; and he had
sent aid to soldiers to help Hannibal, who had fought at the battle of
Zama. Besides this he had attempted to establish his supremacy in the
Ægean Sea at the expense of the people of Rhodes, allies of Rome, who
were assisted by Attalus, King of Pergamus, likewise in league with
Rome.
The senate proposed that war should be declared against Philip, but the
people longed for rest after their previous struggles, and were only
persuaded to consent by being told that if Philip, then at the pitch of
his greatness, were not checked, he would follow the example of
Hannibal, as he had been urged to follow that of Pyrrhus. No great
progress was made in the war until the command of the Roman army in
Greece was taken by a young man of high family and noble nature, well
acquainted with Greek culture, in the year 197. Flamininus, for this
was the name of the new commander, met the army of Philip that year on
a certain morning when, after a rain, thick clouds darkened the plain
on which they were. The armies were separated by low hills known as the
Dog-heads (Cynocephalæ), and when at last the sun burst out it showed
the Romans and Macedonians struggling on the uneven ground with varying
success. The Macedonians were finally defeated, with the loss of eight
thousand slain and five thousand prisoners. In 196 peace was obtained
by Philip, who agreed to withdraw from Greece, to give up his fleet,
and to pay a thousand talents for the expenses of the war.
At the Isthmian games, the following summer, Flamininus caused a
trumpet to command silence, and a crier to proclaim that the Roman
senate and he, the proconsular general, having vanquished Philip,
restored to the Grecians their lands, laws, and liberties, remitting
all impositions upon them and withdrawing all garrisons. So astonished
were the people at the good news that they could scarcely believe it,
and asked that it might be repeated. This the crier did, and a shout
rose from the people (who all stood up) that was heard from Corinth to
the sea, and there was no further thought of the entertainment that
usually engrossed so much attention. Plutarch says gravely that the
disruption of the air was so great that crows accidentally flying over
the racecourse at the moment fell down dead into it! Night only caused
the people to leave the circus, and then they went home to carouse
together. So grateful were they that they freed the Romans who had been
captured by Hannibal and had been sold to them, and when Flamininus
returned to Rome with a reputation second only, in the popular esteem,
to Scipio Africanus, these freed slaves followed in the procession on
the occasion of his triumph, which was one of the most magnificent, and
lasted three days.
Scarcely had Flamininus left Greece before the Ætolians, who claimed
that the victory at Cynocephalæ was chiefly due to their prowess, made
a combination against the Romans, and engaged Antiochus to take their
part. This monarch had occupied Asia Minor previously, and would have
passed into Greece but for Flamininus. This was while Hannibal was at
the court of Antiochus. The Romans declared war, and sent an army into
Thessaly, which overcame the Syrians at the celebrated pass of
Thermopylæ, on the spot where Leonidas and his brave three hundred had
been slaughtered by the Persians two hundred and eighty-nine years
before (B.C. 191). Lucius Cornelius Scipio, brother of Africanus,
closed the war by defeating Antiochus at Magnesia, in Asia Minor, at
the foot of Mount Sipylus (B.C. 190). The Syrian monarch is said to
have lost fifty-three thousand men, while but four hundred of the
Romans fell. Antiochus resigned to the Romans all of Asia west of the
Taurus mountains, agreed to pay them fifteen thousand talents, and to
surrender Hannibal. The great Carthaginian, however, escaped to the
court of Prusias, King of Bithynia, where, as we have already seen, he
took his own life. Scipio carried immense booty to Rome, where he
celebrated a splendid triumph, and, in imitation of his brother
Africanus, added the name Asiaticus to his others.
The succeeding year, the Ætolians were severely punished, their land
was ravaged, and they were required to accept peace upon humiliating
terms. Never again were they to make war without the consent of Rome,
whose supremacy they acknowledged, and to which they paid an indemnity
of five hundred talents. At this time the most famous hero of later
Grecian history comes before us indirectly, just as the greatness of
his country was sinking from sight forever. Philopoemen, who was born
at Megalopolis in Arcadia (not far from the spot from which old Evander
started for Italy), during the first Punic war, just before Hamilcar
appeared upon the scene, raised himself to fame, first by improving the
armor and drill of the Achæan soldiers, when he became chief of the
ancient league, and then by his prowess at the battle of Mantinea, in
the year 207, when Sparta was defeated. He revived the ancient league,
which had been dormant during the Macedonian supremacy; but in 188, he
took fierce revenge upon Sparta, for which he was called to account by
the Romans; and five years later, in 183, he fell into the hands of the
Messenians, who had broken from the league, and was put to death by
poison. It was in the same year that both Hannibal and Scipio, the two
other great soldiers of the day died. [Footnote: See the Student's
Merivale, ch. xxv., for remarks about these three warriors.]
Philip V. of Macedon followed these warriors to the grave five years
later, after having begun to prepare to renew the war with Rome. His
son Perseus continued these preparations, but war did not actually
break out until 171, and then it was continued for three years without
decisive result. In 168 the Romans met the army of Perseus at Pydna, in
Macedonia, north of Mount Olympus, on the 22d June, [Footnote: This
date is proved by an eclipse of the sun which occurred at the time. It
had been foretold by a scientific Roman so that the army should not see
in it a bad omen.] and utterly defeated it. Perseus was afterward taken
prisoner and died at Alba. From the battle of Pydna the great historian
Polybius, who was a native of Megalopolis, dates the complete
establishment of the universal empire of Rome, since after that no
civilized state ever confronted her on an equal footing, and all the
struggles in which she engaged were rebellions or wars with
"barbarians" outside of the influence of Greek or Roman civilization,
and since all the world recognized the senate as the tribunal of last
resort in differences between nations; the acquisition of Roman
language and manners being henceforth among the necessary
accomplishments of princes. Rome had never before seen so grand a
triumph as that celebrated by Æmilius Paulus, the conqueror of
Macedonia, after his return. Plutarch gives an elaborate account of it.
In pursuance of its policy of conquest a thousand of the noblest
citizens of Achæa were sent to Italy to meet charges preferred against
them. Among them was the historian Polybius, who became well acquainted
with Scipio Æmilianus, son by adoption of a son of the conqueror of
Hannibal. For seventeen years these exiles were detained, their numbers
constantly decreasing, until at last even the severe Cato was led to
intercede for them and they were returned to their homes. Exasperated
by their treatment they were ready for any desperate enterprise against
their conquerors, but Polybius endeavored to restrain them. The
historian went to Carthage, however, and while he was away disputes
were stirred up which gave Rome an excuse for interfering. Corinth was
taken with circumstances of barbarous cruelty, and plundered of its
priceless works of art, the rough and ignorant Roman commander sending
them to Italy, after making the contractors agree to replace any that
might be lost with others of equal value! With Corinth fell the
liberties of Greece; a Roman province took the place of the state that
for six centuries had been the home of art and eloquence, the
intellectual sovereign of antiquity; but though overcome and despoiled
she became the guide and teacher of her conqueror.
When Carthage had regained some of its lost riches and population, Rome
again became jealous of her former rival, and Cato gave voice to the
feeling that she ought to be destroyed. One day in the senate he drew
from his toga a bunch of early figs, and, throwing them on the floor,
exclaimed: "Those figs were gathered but three days ago in Carthage; so
close is our enemy to our walls!" After that, whenever he expressed
himself on this subject, or any other, in the senate, he closed with
the words "_Delenda est Carthago_,"--"Carthage ought to be destroyed!"
Internal struggles gave Rome at last an opportunity to interfere, and
in 149 a third Punic war was begun, which closed in 146 with the utter
destruction of Carthage. The city was taken by assault, the inhabitants
fighting with desperation from street to street. Scipio Æmilianus, who
commanded in this war, was now called also Africanus, like his ancestor
by adoption.
For years the tranquillity of Spain, which lasted from 179 to 153, had
been disturbed by wars, and it was not until Scipio was sent thither
that peace was restored. That warrior first put his forces into an
effective condition, and then laid siege to the city of Numantia,
situated on an elevation and well fortified. The citizens defended
themselves with the greatest bravery, and showed wonderful endurance,
but were at last obliged to surrender, and the town was levelled to the
ground, most of the inhabitants being sold as slaves.
The great increase in slaves, and the devastation caused by long and
exhaustive wars, had brought about in Sicily a servile insurrection,
before the Numantians had been conquered. It is said that the number of
those combined against their Roman masters reached the sum of two
hundred thousand. In 132, the strongholds of the insurgents were
captured by a consular army, and peace restored. The barbarism of Roman
slavery had nowhere reached such extremes as in Sicily. Freedmen who
had cultivated the fields were there replaced by slaves, who were ill-
fed and poorly cared for. Some worked in chains, and all were treated
with indescribable brutality. They finally became bandits in despair,
and efforts at repression of their disorders led to the open and
fearful war. The same year that this war ended, the last king of
Pergamos died, leaving his kingdom and treasures to the Roman people,
as he had no children, and Pergamos became the "province" of Asia.
Besides this, Rome had the provinces of Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica,
Spain, Gallia Cisalpina, Macedonia, Illyricum, Southern Greece (Achæa),
and Africa, to which was soon to be added the southern portion of Gaul
over the Alps, between those mountains and the Pyrenees called
Provincia Gallia (Provence).
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